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Will becoming a city help Brownsville and its neighbors thrive? Residents are split

Will becoming a city help Brownsville and its neighbors thrive? Residents are split

Miami Heralda day ago
At the corner of Northwest 27th Street and 54th Avenue in Brownsville sits a plot of land that was supposed to have a grocery store atop it.
It has changed hands many times and suffered through many broken promises, Kenneth Kilpatrick told the Miami Herald as he drove through the community of more than 16,000 residents.
Scattered throughout the neighborhood are a few corner stores. There are two flea markets at a nearby shopping center that includes a Foot Locker, a dd's Discounts, and a few fast food chains. Not one major grocery store is in the area.
To get fresh produce, Kilpatrick has to go to neighboring Hialeah. In fact, for any entertainment – see a movie, eat at a sit-down restaurant, or any recreational fun – he has to leave the neighborhood. And the one shopping center the area does have isn't enough to sustain the community, he said.
The vacant land, lack of grocery store, entertainment and ideal shopping options are a few of the reasons Kilpatrick, president of the Brownsville Civic Neighborhood Association, wants to see if it's feasible for the neighborhood, along with five other neighboring unincorporated communities in Miami-Dade County, to become a city.
'Quality of life has been an issue in Brownsville for decades,' he said. 'It's public safety, it's infrastructure, like a grocery store, better schools, better everything from your sidewalks to your street lighting, the parks and having funded programs for children, programs for seniors.'
Kilpatrick now sits on the North Dade Municipal Advisory Committee that is tasked with the job of determining if the area has the tax base to thrive as a city. The efforts shifted into high gear after the neighborhood came under threat of annexation by Hialeah, which commissioned a feasibility study to determine if annexing 150 acres of Brownsville would generate revenue for the city back in 2023. Residents packed Hialeah city hall meetings pushing back against the annexation, which ultimately was dropped.
RELATED: After dodging Hialeah annexation, this historically Black neighborhood wants to be a city
The committee will be composed of members from each of the six communities, which include Brownsville, Gladeview, Gratigny, Little River Farms, North Shore, and Twin Lakes/Northshore Gardens. They are set to have their first meeting Tuesday, but not everyone is sure cityhood is the right path. They worry about increased property taxes and question the area's ability to generate revenue.
'There's nothing to draw any major businesses that want to come here, unless we invite them to come and develop some of the areas along Seventh Avenue,' said Little River Farm Homeowners Association president Munir Ingram. 'But what are people going to come here to do?'
Still, Kilpatrick said there are potential benefits. 'You can create business districts in your city,' he said. 'You can create entertainment destinations and places for leisure all within the purview of your city limits, I think, if you have the right visionaries and right people at the helm, if you have the tax revenue. That's the biggest thing.'
READ: Homeowners in Little Haiti are aging. Here's what the next generation is facing
'Our fair share'
Brownsville is a community dear to Kilpatrick, whose roots in the community go back decades. His grandfather, George Kilpatrick, was a business leader in the community and founded the first merchant store, along with Neil Adams, Spic and Span, in the late 1940s.
Originally called Browns Subdivision, the area was a farming development platted by W.L. Brown during the 1920s. The community became a model of Black home ownership and was home to Homeowner's Paradise, a subdivision where wealthy Black people lived. The community has birthed Black political stalwarts, such as the late Gwen Cherry, the first Black woman elected to the Florida legislature, and Joe Lang Kershaw, the state's first Black state legislator after Reconstruction.
Kilpatrick moved to Brownsville 12 years ago, and described it as once a bedroom community. The predominantly Black area, like most in Miami-Dade county, has seen changes: it's become increasingly rental with the rise of Airbnbs. According to U.S. census data, about 31 percent of the units in Brownsville are owner-occupied, 69 percent are renter-occupied. Nearby Gladeview, which has about 14,000 residents, is a similar situation: 27.5 percent of its homes are owner-occupied and the remaining 72.5 percent of residents are renters.
Despite the lack of big box businesses in the area and a shrinking homeowner base, Kilpatrick believes that incorporation could resolve some of the issues Brownsville and surrounding neighborhoods are experiencing because it would allow their tax dollars to go toward infrastructure that would benefit the community. Kilpatrick said it could also help with zoning.
'If you don't want a bunch of 28-story condominium apartments in your neighborhood, cityhood kind of helps you to balance that right because you control the zoning,' he said.
As Kilpatrick drives through the neighborhood, he stops at the historic Lincoln Memorial Cemetery, Miami's historic Black cemetery. He stops to talk to Jessie Wooden, the owner of the cemetery who made its preservation a personal mission. Wooden, who lives 10 minutes outside of Brownsville, said he's optimistic about the area potentially becoming a city.'We just want our fair share given to our constituents and what they deserve in the community and to preserve the community that so many that came before me have built,' he said.
'What is the benefit?'
While most of the residents living in the proposed incorporation zone agree on the area's issues, not everyone is convinced becoming a city will solve any of them.
Huddled inside the living room of Richard and Jannie Johnson's home sat a dozen of Little River Farms homeowners who had a list of reasons why they don't see incorporation leading to much change, citing the lack of a tax base, shrinking homeownership, and too few businesses to attract new residents or visitors.
The Johnsons have lived in Little River Farm for 50 years and have seen the changes in their community, which used to be predominantly white with few Cuban and Black families. They watched as one by one, homes were built and the community grew. Residents eventually formed a homeowners association to take care of their neighborhood.
But the area has become plagued with developers looking to build upward and investors looking for cheap property to rent out.
Longtime resident Everlina Chandler said many properties are being sold to developers and apartment buildings are being put on top of the land. 'No one is buying or purchasing homes anymore, and that brings down the property value in the neighborhood,' she said. 'They're just renting. So they don't care about their property value or how the community looks, the beautification of the neighborhood that will attract younger families.'
RELATED: Residents divided on idea of historically Black Miami neighborhoods becoming a city
'You won't attract any of those types of people because everything is for rent,' Chandler continued. 'And those who own, they're elderly now, and they can't afford to keep the neighborhood up and purchase things to make the neighborhood better.'
Jannie Johnson said she's also worried about the increase in property taxes. And while residents bemoaned having to leave the community to find basic needs such as groceries or entertainment, they're not convinced they have the tax base to be able to be a city, given the types of businesses in the area.
Little River Farms HOA president Munir Ingram said there are also environmental concerns that impact their community, such as converting to septic, illegal dumping, and the threat of development encroaching on their lakes.
In the nearby Gratigny neighborhood, residents raised the same issues. Gratigny Homeowners Association president Joyce Brown said there are several unknowns for residents, including how much taxes will go up should it be found that they can become a city.
'There are going to be some changes,' she said. 'But what is the benefit? I don't think the benefit is going to be worth it.'
Longtime resident of Gratigny, Mary Bennett, 92, said she recalled a time when the neighborhood itself didn't have lights and sidewalks. The community petitioned the county to bring streetlights and pavement to the areas.
Standing outside her well-manicured lawn, Bennett said she's more concerned about the threat of high rises coming into the quiet enclave. 'I don't like what I see going on in other neighborhoods, meaning skyscrapers. If you're going to build a home, where is the parking? Where are these people who are living in these 12 stories? Where are they gonna park? That's a problem.'
'We need to make an informed decision'
Felicia Mayo-Cutler grew up in the North Shore neighborhood and described it as one of the few communities where well-off Black professionals lived. Nestled near Miami Shores, Mayo-Cutler has lived in the community since she was 2, only leaving when she went off to college before returning in 1990. She now owns a home in the community alongside the parents of the children she grew up with and serves as vice president of the North Shore Community Association.
She noted that the community, once predominantly Black community, has seen demographic changes. Nearby construction has led to people driving through the neighborhood and taking an interest in homes in the area.
'It's still predominantly Black, however, the newer residents are not,' she said, adding that North Shore is still a neighborhood of predominantly homeowners. She estimated there are about 250 homes in the community.
Mayo-Cutler, who will sit on the committee to explore cityhood, said she wants to weigh the options before deciding if she's for it, adding she sees added benefits in controlling tax dollars, but said she's pleased with some of the services provided by the county. 'We need to know what the options are, as well as share that information with our commissioner so she can make an informed decision as well,' she said.
Trameka Rios, who handles social media for the Little River Farms community and will sit on the MAC, is of a similar mindset, and also understands the concerns of residents as her husband grew up in the neighborhood and his family owned a corner store in the community. They now live in his childhood home.
Still, she emphasized that she hopes they can be open to the process and give the committee a chance to determine if becoming a city is even viable.
'My biggest thing is to give it a chance,' she said. 'If it doesn't work, we tried it, and if it does work, then we can all collectively come together and see what we want to have happen in our area.'
But Brown, with Gratigny, said if the area doesn't incorporate, she thinks the various neighborhoods will eventually find themselves annexed by various cities – precisely the fear that led Kilpatrick and others to push for incorporation.
'We just will fight it and delay it as much as possible,' she said. 'But I think eventually it will happen.'
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A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals
A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals

Miami Herald

time13 hours ago

  • Miami Herald

A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals

WASHINGTON - In the spring, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth decided not to promote a senior Army officer who had led troops over five tours in Afghanistan and Iraq because Hegseth suspected, without evidence, that the officer had leaked sensitive information to the news media, according to three people with knowledge of the matter. When Lt. Gen. Douglas A. Sims II was cleared of the allegations, Hegseth briefly agreed to promote him, only to change course again early this month, the officials said. This time, Hegseth maintained that the senior officer was too close to Gen. Mark Milley, a former chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff whom President Donald Trump has accused of disloyalty. Hegseth's sudden reversal prompted a rare intervention from Gen. Dan Caine, the current chair of the Joint Chiefs. He urged Hegseth to reconsider, said the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. Hegseth met with Sims one final time but refused to budge. Sims is expected to retire in the coming months after 34 years in the military, officials said. Through a spokesperson, Sims and Caine declined to comment. A Pentagon spokesperson declined to comment on Hegseth's role. The standoff over his promotion reflects an ongoing clash between Hegseth's highly partisan worldview, in which he has written that the Democratic Party 'really does hate America,' and the long-standing tradition of an apolitical military that pledges an oath to the Constitution. Hegseth's actions could shape the military's top ranks for years to come. His insistence on absolute loyalty, backed with repeated threats of polygraphs, also creates uncertainty and mistrust that threaten to undermine the readiness and effectiveness of the force, officials said. The tension between top military officers and their civilian leaders has been persistent since the earliest days of Trump's second term, when senior administration officials ordered the removal of Milley's portrait from a Pentagon hallway. Caine, who pressed Hegseth on Sims' behalf, got the job of Joint Chiefs chair after Hegseth and Trump fired Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., his predecessor. Hegseth accused Brown, who is Black, of prioritizing diversity over the combat effectiveness of the force. Also removed during the first months of the new administration were the first woman to command the Navy, Adm. Lisa Franchetti; the first woman to command the Coast Guard, Adm. Linda Fagan; Hegseth's senior military assistant, Lt. Gen. Jennifer Short; and the U.S. military representative to the NATO military committee, Vice Adm. Shoshana Chatfield. All were dismissed as part of a campaign to root out diversity, equity and inclusion from the military and restore what Hegseth has described as a 'warrior ethos.' Hegseth also recently withdrew the nomination of Rear Adm. Michael 'Buzz' Donnelly to lead the Navy's 7th Fleet in Japan -- its largest overseas force -- amid reports in conservative media that seven years earlier the admiral had allowed a drag performance to take place on the aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan. The decision not to promote Sims, who is white, seems unrelated to any issues of race or gender. Rather, the general's career seems to have become tangled up in broader suspicions about leaks and a mistrust of senior military officers that have defined much of Hegseth's first six months on the job. Hegseth, a former Fox News host and an Iraq War veteran, came to the Pentagon with little managerial experience. Since his arrival, a series of firings and resignations in his inner circle have left him with only a skeleton staff of civilian aides to run his office. He has been without a permanent chief of staff since late April. Ricky Buria, a recently retired Marine colonel who has forged a close relationship with Hegseth, has been serving in the critical role. But White House officials, who have concerns about Buria's competence and qualifications, have blocked Hegseth from formally appointing him to the job, officials said. Buria, meanwhile, has clashed repeatedly with many of Hegseth's closest aides and some officers in the Pentagon. This spring, Eric Geressy, a retired sergeant major who served with Hegseth in Iraq and now advises him in the Pentagon, threatened to quit after an argument with Buria, according to people with knowledge of the situation. Around the same time, the White House directed Hegseth to cease using polygraph tests on his team, after one of his senior aides complained, a former Pentagon official said. The rift and the decision to stop the polygraph testing were reported earlier by The Washington Post. Geressy briefly went to his home in Florida before Hegseth persuaded him to return, officials said. Hegseth is also still contending with a review by the Pentagon's inspector general related to his disclosure on the Signal messaging app of the precise timing of U.S. fighter jets' airstrikes against the Iranian-backed Houthi militia in Yemen in March. The office has received evidence that the information that Hegseth put in the commercial chat app came from a classified Central Command document, according to two U.S. officials with knowledge of the review. The classified origins of the information were reported earlier by the Post. The infighting, investigations and personnel churn have strained Hegseth's ability to manage critical operations in the Pentagon. Hegseth found himself in the crosshairs this month after Democrats and Republicans in Congress blamed him for pausing critical shipments of interceptors and other arms to Ukraine without sufficiently consulting with the White House or the State Department. The suspension was particularly jarring because just days earlier Trump had said he was open to selling more weapons to Ukraine after meeting with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of a NATO meeting in The Hague. It also left the impression that Hegseth and his top aides had failed to keep the president and senior White House officials in the loop. As aides to Hegseth traded blame, and then tried to play down the impact of the pause, Trump dramatically overruled the Pentagon, saying he was unhappy with President Vladimir Putin of Russia. In a further twist, Trump endorsed a plan for NATO countries to send Patriot antimissile systems to Ukraine and replace them by purchasing new arms from the United States. It was an approach conceived by NATO countries. Hegseth has delegated responsibility for working out details of the arms transfers to senior U.S. military officers in Europe. The frustration with Hegseth is seeping out. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., who cast the deciding vote to confirm Hegseth, this month called him ill-suited to lead the Pentagon. 'With the passing of time, I think it's clear he's out of his depth as a manager of a large, complex organization,' Tillis told CNN. For now, Hegseth's missteps do not seem to have hurt his standing with the person who matters most: Trump. Like Trump, Hegseth had a career in television before joining the administration and relishes the performative aspects of his job. As defense secretary, he regularly posts videos that show him exercising with troops. The photo ops -- known inside the Pentagon as 'troop touches' -- are a central part of almost all his public appearances, current and former aides said. Several officials have complained that the photos and videos -- including one that he posted from Omaha Beach in Normandy in which he joins Army Rangers carrying a soldier on a stretcher as part of D-Day remembrances -- are distractions that serve primarily to bolster his image. Anna Kelly, a White House spokesperson, said that Hegseth retained Trump's 'full confidence' and cited the 'critical role' he played 'in ensuring the flawless execution' of the strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities in June. Current and former military officials said that Trump largely bypassed Hegseth in the days leading up to the strikes and instead relied on Caine and Gen. Michael Erik Kurilla, the head of Central Command, for counsel. But officials with knowledge of the president's thinking said Trump especially admired his defense secretary's combative response at a news conference to reports questioning the effectiveness of the attack. Today Hegseth is managing the Pentagon with a smaller immediate staff than when he started in January. Several top aides were forced out or quit. In late April, three top aides were fired and escorted from the building. Hegseth has repeatedly accused them, without offering evidence, of leaking classified information to the media. The fired aides, who have not been charged with any wrongdoing, were recently told that an investigation into the allegations against them was in its final stages and would soon be shared with the Pentagon's senior leaders, officials said. In the wake of their dismissal and a series of negative stories about Hegseth's performance in the job, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, offered a window into how Hegseth views the department he now runs. 'This is what happens when the entire Pentagon is working against you and working against the monumental change you are trying to implement,' she said. That same spirit seems to animate the Pentagon today. Only a few months ago, Sims' promotion to four stars seemed to be a given. Of the last 21 officers to hold his current position, 19 were promoted to four-star rank. 'He's the type of person you would want your kids serving under -- extremely dedicated, selfless and loyal,' said Brynt Parmeter, who stepped down in June as the Pentagon's chief talent management officer and has known Sims for more than three decades. The Pentagon gave a more muted assessment. In a statement, Sean Parnell, the Pentagon's chief spokesperson, thanked Sims for his 'decades of service.' 'We wish him well in his future endeavors,' Parnell wrote. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Copyright 2025

I moved to Portland at 22. Now that I'm 30, I've outgrown so much of what I loved about the city.
I moved to Portland at 22. Now that I'm 30, I've outgrown so much of what I loved about the city.

Business Insider

time20 hours ago

  • Business Insider

I moved to Portland at 22. Now that I'm 30, I've outgrown so much of what I loved about the city.

I was only supposed to be in Portland, Oregon, for four months. Eight years later, though, I'm still here. When I first moved to the city at 22, I knew little to nothing about Portland. Although I'd spent time elsewhere in the Pacific Northwest, I'd never even visited Oregon. I was offered an editorial internship, though, and saw this as my chance to leave home, have more freedom, and start my career. Any opportunity, especially one that would let me write, felt worth the leap. Then, in the blink of an eye, what was supposed to be a brief blip turned into nearly a decade. At first, Portland felt like the perfect place for me Portland's quiet green spaces, access to nature, quirky commitment to staying "weird," and community of small businesses made the city feel just right. I loved the food carts, walkability, and general pace and culture. I found a charming one-bedroom with a large living room and natural light in a quiet, walkable neighborhood near downtown, for a rent below market rate. My apartment gave me a home base, and with that came a deep sense of independence that felt imperative in my early 20s. As I adjusted to my new city, I created rituals that made Portland feel like home: grabbing a slice from Sizzle Pie, floating the river with friends in the summer, wandering through Powell's for books. Now that I'm 30, the city I once loved doesn't feel right anymore I work in journalism, and around the time I turned 30, I started to feel like this city might not be the best place for the career I've been building. Although Portland is home to powerhouse brands like Nike, Intel, and Adidas — and there are tons of small businesses and local media organizations — many of my dream roles seem to be based in cities like Los Angeles, New York, or Atlanta. Also, although there is a vibrant Black community here, the Portland metropolitan area is predominantly white. Some days I walk outside, and barely see anyone who looks like me. After growing up in a majority-white suburb, my neighborhood sometimes makes me feel like I never really left. I'm learning that as I grow older, what I'll need in a city might change — and that's OK I'm no longer 22, 24, or even 29. I've realized that what I need in my 30s might be different from what I needed several years ago. Portland will always be the first place I truly lived on my own, and it gave me room to grow, reflect, and find myself. I found so much joy in sunset hikes, aimless wanders through Powell's, afternoons at the Portland Art Museum, and live music in the parks. I'm grateful for my time here, but I'm ready for something new. Maybe I'll move to LA, where the creative community feels more accessible. Or I'll go back to London, a city I once lived in for college, where I felt so inspired by its pace and diverse mix of people. Although I'm excited to move to one of these cities whenever the right opportunity comes, I know that my next home might not be forever, either. One of the biggest lessons Portland has taught me is that different chapters call for different places — and even though Oregon no longer feels like home, I know I'd happily visit again and again, with gratitude.

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