logo
Countries shore up their digital defenses as global tensions raise the threat of cyberwarfare

Countries shore up their digital defenses as global tensions raise the threat of cyberwarfare

Time of India21-04-2025

Hackers linked to Russia's government launched a cyberattack last spring against municipal water plants in rural Texas. At one plant in Muleshoe, population 5,000, water began to overflow. Officials had to unplug the system and run the plant manually.
The hackers weren't trying to taint the water supply. They didn't ask for a ransom. Authorities determined the intrusion was designed to test the vulnerabilities of America's public infrastructure. It was also a warning: In the 21st century, it takes more than oceans and an army to keep the United States safe.
A year later, countries around the world are preparing for greater digital conflict as increasing global tensions and a looming trade war have raised the stakes - and the chances that a cyberattack could cause significant economic damage, disrupt vital public systems, reveal sensitive business or government secrets, or even escalate into military confrontation.
The confluence of events has national security and cyber experts warning of heightened cyberthreats and a growing digital arms race as countries look to defend themselves.
At the same time, President
Donald Trump
has upended America's digital defenses by firing the four-star general who led the National Security Agency, shrinking
cybersecurity
agencies and slashing election cybersecurity initiatives.
Live Events
Businesses now are increasingly concerned about cyberattacks, and governments have moved to a war footing, according to a report this month by NCC Group, a British cybersecurity firm.
Discover the stories of your interest
Blockchain
5 Stories
Cyber-safety
7 Stories
Fintech
9 Stories
E-comm
9 Stories
ML
8 Stories
Edtech
6 Stories
"The geopolitical dust is still settling," said Verona Johnstone-Hulse, a London-based expert on government cybersecurity polices and the report's co-author. "What the new normal looks like is still not yet set."
Many in the US are already calling for a more muscular approach to protecting the digital frontier.
"Hybrid war is here to stay," said Tom Kellermann, senior vice president of cyberstrategy at Contrast Security. "We need to stop playing defense - it's time to make them play defense."
Digital life means more targets for hackers Vulnerabilities have grown as people and businesses use connected devices to count steps, manage finances and operate facilities such as water plants and ports. Each network and connection is a potential target for foreign governments or the hacking groups that sometimes do their bidding.
Espionage is one motive, demonstrated in a recent incursion linked to hackers in China. The campaign known as Salt Typhoon sought to crack the phones of officials, including Trump, before the 2024 election.
These operations seek entry to sensitive corporate or government systems to steal secrets or monitor personal communications. Such information can be hugely valuable by providing advantages in trade negotiations or military planning. These hackers try to remain hidden for as long as possible.
More obvious intrusions can serve as a warning or deterrent, such as the cyberattacks targeting the Texas water plants. Iran also has shown a willingness to use cyberattacks to make political points.
The cyberattacks that frighten experts the most burrow deeply into telephone or computer networks, inserting backdoors or malware for later use.
National security experts say this was the motivation behind a recent attack from China called
Volt
Typhoon that compromised telephone networks in the U.S. in an effort to gain access to an unknown number of critical systems.
China could potentially use these connections to disable key infrastructure - power plants, communication networks, pipelines, hospitals, financial systems - as part of a larger conflict or before an invasion of Taiwan, national security experts said.
"They can position their implants to be activated at a date and time in the future," said Sonu Shankar, a former researcher at Los Alamos National Laboratory who is now chief strategy officer at Phosphorus Cybersecurity.
National security officials will not discuss details, but experts interviewed by The Associated Press said the U.S. no doubt has developed similar offensive capabilities.
China has rejected US allegations of hacking, accusing America of trying to " smear " Beijing while conducting its own cyberattacks.
Global tensions tick up Wars in Ukraine and the Middle East. Trade disputes. Shifting alliances. The risk of cyberattacks goes up in times of global tension, and experts say that risk is now at a high.
US adversaries China, Russia, Iran and North Korea also have shown signs of cybercooperation as they forge tighter economic, military and political relationships.
Speaking to Congress, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard noted that Iran has supplied drones in exchange for Russian intelligence and cybercapabilities.
"Russia has been the catalyst for much of this expanded cooperation, driven heavily by the support it has needed for its war effort against Ukraine," Gabbard told lawmakers.
Amid global fears of a trade war after the tariffs that
Trump
has imposed, supply chains could be targeted in retaliation. While larger companies may have a robust cyberteam, small suppliers that lack those resources can give intruders easy access.
And any tit-for-tat cycles of cyberconflict, in which one country hacks into a sensitive system as retaliation for an earlier attack, come with "great risk" for all involved, Shankar said. "It would put them on the path to military conflict."
The Trump effect At a time when national security and cybersecurity experts say the U.S. should be bolstering its defenses, Trump has called for reductions in staffing and other changes to the agencies that protect American interests in cyberspace.
For example, Trump recently fired Gen. Timothy Haugh, who oversaw the NSA and the Pentagon's Cyber Command.
The U.S. faces "unprecedented cyber threats," said Virginia Sen.
Mark Warner
, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee. He has asked the
White House
to explain Haugh's departure. "How does firing him make Americans any safer?" Warner said.
Also under Trump, the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency placed on leave staffers who worked on election security and cut millions of dollars in funding for cybersecurity programs for local and state elections. His administration eliminated the State Department's Global Engagement Center, which tracked and exposed foreign disinformation online.
The CIA, NSA and other intelligence agencies also have seen reductions in staffing.
The administration faced more questions over how seriously it takes cybersecurity after senior officials used the popular messaging app Signal to discuss sensitive information about upcoming military strikes in Yemen. Gabbard later called the episode a mistake.
The officials in charge of America's cybersecurity insist Trump's changes will make the U.S. safer, while getting rid of wasteful spending and confusing regulations.
The Pentagon, for instance, has invested in efforts to harness artificial intelligence to improve cyberdefenses, according to a report provided to Congress by Lt. Gen. William J. Hartman, acting commander of the NSA and Cyber Command.
The changes at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency come as its leaders consider how best to execute their mission in alignment with the administration's priorities, a CISA statement said.
"As America's Cyber Defense Agency, we remain steadfast in our mission to safeguard the nation's critical infrastructure against all cyber and physical threats," the statement read. "We will continue to collaborate with our partners across government, industry, and with international allies to strengthen global cybersecurity efforts and protect the American people from foreign adversaries, cybercriminals, and other emerging threats."
Representatives for Gabbard's office and the NSA didn't respond to questions about how Trump's changes will affect cybersecurity.
Signs of progress? Despite shifting alliances, a growing consensus about cyberthreats could prompt greater global cooperation.
More than 20 nations recently signed on to an international framework on the use of commercial spyware. The U.S. has signaled it will join the nonbinding agreement.
There's also broad bipartisan agreement in the U.S. about the need to help private industry bolster defenses.
Federal estimates say the cybersecurity industry needs to hire an additional 500,000 professionals to meet the challenge, said Dean Gefen, former chief of cybertraining for Israel's Defense Intelligence Technological Unit. He's now the CEO of NukuDo, a cybersecurity training company.
"Companies need effective guidance from the government - a playbook," Gefen said. "What to do, what not to do."

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The 16-Year-Old Who Stole Jinnah's Heart – And Broke It Too
The 16-Year-Old Who Stole Jinnah's Heart – And Broke It Too

India.com

time2 hours ago

  • India.com

The 16-Year-Old Who Stole Jinnah's Heart – And Broke It Too

New Delhi: On an April 1918 morning, Bombay's elite industrialist Sir Dinshaw Petit sat down for breakfast. A headline jolted his morning calm as he unfolded Bombay Chronicle . The newspaper slipped from his hands. 'Muhammad Ali Jinnah marries Lady Rattanbai Petit.' The entire city reeled. The man leading India's charge for constitutional reform had quietly married a 16-year-old Parsi heiress. The whispers had started two years earlier in Darjeeling. That summer, Sir Dinshaw had invited his lawyer friend, Jinnah, to join the family retreat. Jinnah was 40. Sharp-suited, brilliant and ambitious. Already a storm in the courtrooms of Bombay. Rattanbai – Ruttie – was sixteen, radiant and free-spirited. The kind of beauty that silenced rooms. Within days, something stirred. Darjeeling's pine-lined silence, the white peaks and the soft laughter of evenings – they all blurred into a quiet bond. Before the retreat ended, Jinnah had asked Sir Dinshaw what he thought of interfaith marriages. Sir Dinshaw answered without hesitation, 'They help build national unity.' Jinnah paused. Then calmly said, 'I want to marry your daughter.' The reply was fire. Sir Dinshaw exploded. That very night, he ordered Jinnah to leave. He barred Ruttie from ever meeting him again. Later, he got a court order forbidding any contact between them until she turned eighteen. But love has its own maps. Letters crossed secretly. Glances stolen at clubs. Hidden meetings. A silver-haired patriarch stood guard at the gates, but the two hearts kept pace with each other. When Ruttie turned eighteen, she walked out of her father's mansion with a single umbrella and a change of clothes. Jinnah was waiting. They went straight to Jamia Masjid. She embraced Islam. The next morning, the nikah was held. The wedding stunned colonial India. A Muslim barrister and a Parsi heiress. A 24-year age gap. A woman who gave up her religion, her family, her inheritance for love. Jinnah did not flinch. He did not want a civil marriage. That would cost him his legislative seat. Instead, he chose the Islamic route. Ruttie agreed. He gifted her Rs 1.25 lakh – a fortune in 1918. The wedding meher ? A modest Rs 1,001. For Bombay society, the scandal did not die down. Ruttie became a social icon. Transparent chiffon sarees. Long cigarette holders. Laughter that rang like wind chimes. She was often seen stepping down from a gleaming phaeton, drawing eyes wherever she went. At parties, she sparred with Viceroys. When one British lord scolded her for greeting him with folded hands instead of a handshake, she smiled. 'In India, we greet the British as Indians should.' Jinnah adored her. Quietly. Stoically. When a Governor's wife tried to cover Ruttie's bare shoulders with a shawl, Jinnah stood up. 'If my wife is cold, she will ask for it herself.' Then walked out. Never returned to that house again. But politics waited for no love. The years passed. Jinnah grew busier. Debates. Speeches. Petitions. Ruttie grew lonelier. Her letters turned heavy. Once, she wrote from a steamer on her way back from France, 'I have loved you as no man has ever been loved. Remember me not as the flower you crushed, but as the one you once plucked.' On February 20, 1929, Ruttie died. She was just 29. Some say illness. Some say too many sleeping pills. Jinnah was in Delhi. A trunk call came from her father. Ten years of silence broken with a single sentence. He took the train back to Bombay. At the Khoja cemetery, mourners stood waiting. As her coffin was lowered into the earth, someone handed Jinnah a handful of dirt. He broke down. Shoulders shaking. Tears flowing. It was the only time anyone saw Muhammad Ali Jinnah cry in public.

India would love a big, beautiful trade pact with US: Nirmala Sitharaman
India would love a big, beautiful trade pact with US: Nirmala Sitharaman

Indian Express

time2 hours ago

  • Indian Express

India would love a big, beautiful trade pact with US: Nirmala Sitharaman

AS THE July 9 deadline to avoid the United States' punitive reciprocal tariffs is drawing closer, the government has hinted at uninhibited deal-making with the world's largest economy, but also made an unequivocal commitment to draw definitive red lines in the best interests of India's farmers and livestock breeders. Reacting to President Donald Trump's statement last week that an interim bilateral trade agreement (BTA) in the offing with New Delhi would 'open up' the Indian market for America, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said: 'Yes, we would love to have an agreement, a big, good, beautiful one; why not?' In a free-wheeling interview with The Financial Express, Sitharaman said: 'At the junction we are in, and given our growth goals and ambition to be Viksit Bharat by 2047, the sooner we have such agreements with strong economies, the better they will serve us.' According to the Finance Minister, agriculture and dairy have been among the 'very big red lines,' where a high degree of caution has been exercised, during the BTA talks with the US. On a perceived slowdown in investments by the private sector, she said things have started changing for the better. 'At least in the last six months, there is a clear sign that private investments and capacity expansion are happening… There is definitely surplus cash with private companies, and they're probably earning passive income. But we can see signs of change'. Asked what the government is planning to do to reverse urban slowdown, Sitharaman said the sentiment is definitely turning. 'From April, there have clearly been signs of the (positive consumer) sentiment playing out (thanks to the income tax reliefs),' she said. Sitharaman outlined a raft of 'second-generation reforms' to be unleashed soon to impart a structural push to the economy, including 'getting the banks to be better off,' and spurring private investment in nuclear energy. She also indicated that the weighted average Goods and Services Tax (GST) might come down from the current levels, as part of a restructuring of the rates and slabs of the eight-year-old comprehensive indirect tax. She stressed the need to give additional support to merchandise exports, while noting that tax content in exported products is not fully neutralised yet, with certain embedded state and local levies. 'We are looking at different dimension of reforms other than, of course, land and asset monetisation,' she said, while asserting that 'there is no going back on the three labour codes, which states are keenly taking up.' Sitharaman, who met the chiefs of public sector banks Friday for a performance review, acknowledged the issue of their deposit rates (CASA) not growing as much as they used to. 'There will be some kind of attempt by the banks to improve on this,' she said, referring to the 'tightrope walk' of bankers, as people at once want credit to become cheaper and deposits to yield better returns. 'Though banks can go to the market to raise funds, CASA was a cheap capital available,' she said, adding that challenge is compounded by the fact that retail savings are going to the stock markets at a greater pace. She said the time has come for reaching a consensus at the GST Council to design a 'very simplified and easy-to-comply' tax. 'The expectation is that (the average GST rate) will come down, and we are working on it. You can have the revenue buoyancy if the rates are low enough, and that leads to an expansion, which is a normal assumption in economics,' the minister said. In many countries that adopted GST/VAT system over recent decades, the initial rates have been lower than in India, and some of them even managed to bring down the rates further, without taking any hit to revenues. The minister's statement signals that, with buoyant GST revenues, the often-repeated demand for raising the average GST rate to the so-called revenue neutral rate (15%) was unlikely to be pursued, and rates could in general only reduce. That could provide a significant consumption booster to the economy. The minister underlined the need for all states to improve investment climate further, and cautioned that, 'otherwise investments which were coming to some parts of the country cannot reach other parts.' Sitharaman said a major step taken for energy efficiency is the plan to have small, medium, small modular nuclear reactors. 'India needs to ramp up its basic energy base itself,' she said, amid a renewed push to coal-based thermal power to meet the fast-growing peak power demand. '…solar and wind can always be the top-up.' 'The nuclear thing is getting wrapped up. The law will also have to be amended for it, which will happen sooner,' she said.- FE

How America Redrew The Middle East: Every Time It Intervened
How America Redrew The Middle East: Every Time It Intervened

India.com

time3 hours ago

  • India.com

How America Redrew The Middle East: Every Time It Intervened

New Delhi: The Middle East has seen the map of power redrawn time and again in the long shadow of the United States. Each turn of the Washington's wheel – whether in Iran, Lebanon, Iraq or Gaza – left behind a trail of upheaval. The reasons varied. Oil, ideology and rivalries. The results often followed a similar pattern. Regimes fell, alliances shifted and people suffered. Let's trace the most defining episodes where America's hand shaped the region and how each one ended up altering not just borders, but lives. 1953, Iran In the early 1950s, Iran's elected leader wanted control over the country's oil. British companies resisted. The United States stepped in, fearing a tilt toward the Soviet bloc. Its Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) backed street protests, media manipulation and palace intrigue. The elected government crumbled. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, returned to power. He ruled with American support for decades. The resentment brewed slowly. In 1979, it exploded into revolution. Tehran has never forgotten that coup. 1958, Lebanon Tension was rising in Lebanon. The Cold War had reached Arab soil. The president, leaning west, faced revolt at home. The United States invoked its new Eisenhower Doctrine and sent troops. Marines landed at Beirut airport. Their mission was to keep things calm, not to fight. It worked for the moment. But it left Lebanon's delicate sectarian balance shaken. The long-term fire had not been put out. Just postponed. 1973, Yom Kippur War On a holy day, Israeli soldiers were caught off guard. Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack. The United States responded with an airlift of weapons and supplies to Israel. The war turned. But the cost was global. Arab states punished the West with an oil embargo. Long fuel lines. Soaring prices. A warning shot for American dependency. And yet, the US-Israel military bond grew stronger than ever. 1991, The Gulf War Saddam Hussein crossed a line literally. His tanks rolled into Kuwait. The world responded with resolutions and warplanes. America led a coalition of dozens. The campaign was swift. The footage, cinematic. Desert Storm was hailed as a success. But it left Iraq isolated, sanctioned and smoldering. A decade of internal repression followed. Children died of hunger and medicine shortages. Saddam stayed in power, but Iraq's spirit dimmed. 2003, Iraq Again A file. A fear. A flawed case. Washington claimed Saddam had weapons of mass destruction. None were found. Still, the invasion went ahead. Baghdad fell. Saddam vanished and then was captured. The regime collapsed. But what came next was chaos. Armed groups clashed. Militias rose. The Islamic State grew from the wreckage. Democracy was promised. Instead, instability took hold. Millions displaced. Hundreds of thousands dead. The scars remain. Across Decades, a Pattern Intervention did not always mean invasion. Sometimes it came in secret. Sometimes with soldiers. Sometimes through sanctions or airstrikes. But rarely did it end as planned. Regimes were toppled. But peace rarely followed. Trust evaporated. Generations grew up under rubble and barbed wire. Each time, Washington claimed to act for freedom, stability or self-defense. Each time, the ground beneath shifted. Sometimes for a week. Sometimes forever. What lingers is the memory. In the cities where bombs fell. In the markets where sanctions bit. In the homes where sons never returned.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store