Cheap apples, marble and dry fruits: Why India may not ban Turkish imports despite 'Boycott Turkey' trends
However, this article talks about the reality of reports that say the Indian government is unlikely to impose a full trade ban on Turkey. Multiple media reports say that the Modi government may not ban Turkish trade due to the $2.73 billion trade surplus it enjoys with the country. According to official government data quoted by media reports, India's exports to Turkey in FY25 were worth $5.72 billion and among its top exports, engineering goods amounting to $3 billion contributed the most. Additionally, Turkey also imports petroleum from India.
On the other hand, Turkey's exports to India were worth $2.99 billion in the previous fiscal year, which includes fruits, marble, dry fruits, and gold. Reports suggest that India's trade sanctions on Turkey may not be in its best interest keeping in mind the huge trade surplus it enjoys with Turkey.
'We have received a number of representations to ban imports from Turkey. Apple-growers from Himachal Pradesh have sought a ban on apple imports from Turkey. But India runs a trade surplus with Turkey, and we have to keep in mind our exporters' interests too. It (a trade ban) could be a strong geopolitical message, but it's about how far you want to take it,' a government official told The Indian Express. Centre directs IndiGo to end aircraft lease pact with Turkish Airlines
In a significant action against anti-India Turkey, the central government recently directed low-cost airline IndiGo to end its aircraft lease agreement with Turkish Airlines within three months. IndiGo, which leased and operates two Boeing 777s from Turkish Airlines, had a permit until May 31 and had sought an extension from the Civil Aviation Ministry for six months. The ministry has now refused to allow this, as per a report by news agency IANS.
(With inputs from agencies)
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Despite being in Opposition, the RJD is not in a position to fully capitalise on the anti-incumbency against the government, owing to its two stints in a government led by Nitish Kumar. Still, with a vote share of around 23%, and an alliance with the Left parties and others, it remains a strong contender. Much will depend, however, on whether non-committed voters outside the Muslim-Yadav base shift towards the RJD. As for the Congress, while it may be the sheet anchor of the Opposition alliance nationally, in Bihar it brings little to the table given its negligible organisational presence. Though Nitish Kumar is down, he is not fully out of the race. He retains support among the Extremely Backward Classes, Mahadalits, and women voters of the state. But politically, he appears beleaguered and vulnerable, possibly fighting the last battle of his career. The Bihar election will clearly be determined by local factors, with caste and anti-incumbency being crucial determinants of the electoral outcome. However, the yearning for change is palpable in Bihar, and the quest for a third alternative among voters makes the 2025 election wide open.
