
Boniface Mwangi: Kenyan activist faces terrorism charges over protests
According to the Kenya's Directorate of Criminal Investigations, Mr Mwangi stands accused of "offences related to facilitation of terrorist acts and unlawful possession of ammunition".The alleged offences are linked to the 25 June protests when, according to the state-funded Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR), 19 people died as demonstrators clashed with police. Hundreds were also injured and property and businesses were damaged.In the aftermath, Interior Minister Kipchumba Murkomen described the demonstrations as "terrorism disguised as dissent" and an "unconstitutional attempt" to change the government.At least 38 more people were killed in subsequent protests earlier this month, the KNHCR has said. Since June last year, more than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of anti-government protests, with police accused of using excessive force to quell unrest.On Sunday, a coalition of 37 rights organisations condemned Mr Mwangi's arrest on "unjustified terrorism allegations", describing it as the "latest escalation in a systematic crackdown that has seen hundreds of young Kenyans detained on fabricated terrorism charges"."What began as targeted persecution of young protesters demanding accountability has metastasized into a full-scale assault on Kenya's democracy," they said in a joint statement.James Orengo, a veteran politician and governor of Siaya county, said it was "ridiculous to charge Boniface Mwangi and our children who have demonstrated a high level of political consciousness with terrorism".Mr Mwangi has been detained multiple times in the past, and has been at the centre of many protests. In May, he and a Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire were detained in Tanzania, where they had travelled to attend the trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who is accused of treason.Following their release several days later, both said they had been abducted, tortured and sexually assaulted. They have since filed a case at the regional East African Court of Justice over the matter.
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BBC News
an hour ago
- BBC News
Why US suspend visa processing for dia embassy for Niger Republic
Di United States Embassy for Niamey, Niger Republic, don suspend all visa processing and issuance until further notice. Tori by Reuters say a one internal memo from Washington on July 25 direct di embassy officials to stop all visa process until di US govment finish addressing dia "concerns wit di govment of Niger". Di directive go affect all immigrant and non-immigrant visa categories, but most diplomatic and official visas no go dey affected, according to one tok-tok pesin for US State Department. Dem no give any specific reason for dis move, but di State Department tok-tok pesin say "the Trump Administration dey focused on protecting our nation and our citizens by upholding di highest standards of national security and public safety thru our visa process". Remember say in June dis year President Donald Trump bin don ban 12 kontris, including seven for Africa, from entering di US, and also restrict visa from seven odas. Di African kontris for di list na: Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, Somalia and Sudan. While Burundi, Sierra Leone and Togo dey for di partial travel restriction list. Niger Republic no follow for any of dem. However, e clear say di relationship between di two kontris no dey smooth, especially since di military bin take ova power for Niger Republic in July 2023. In April of 2024, di military junta ask di US goment to withdraw dia troops for dia kontri, and by September, Washington say di withdrawal of almost 1000 US soldiers wey bin dey di kontri don dey complete. Sabi pipo say dis move don change di relations between di US and Niger well-well. But apart from dat, President Trump since e come into power for di second time, don put in place very hard policies about immigration. E order a nationwide campaign to arrest migrants who dey stay for di kontri illegally, and im Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operatives don conduct dozens of raids to catch and deport pipo. Even legal immigrants like pipo wit student visas and green card holders still fit chop deport if officials determine say dey support Palestinians or dey criticise Israel for di war in Gaza. Di Trump administration say such actions dey pro-Hamas and na threat to U.S. foreign policy. Last week, tori bin break say about 8000 Cameroon citizens fit chop deportation from di US afta one court bin approve for di Trump administration to remove di Temporary Protected Status wey Cameroonians bin dey enjoy. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio tell tori pipo for May dis year say di number of visas wey im office don revoke dey in di thousands. Also di State Department under Rubio leadership don tight dia social media vetting for pipo wey dey apply for U.S visa. One Nigerian woman carry cry go social media for June dis year afta authorities deport am from di US wen dem go thru her instagram messages.


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘I shouldn't have to fight for answers': David Amess's daughter on the MP's murder and her fury at his friends and colleagues
The last time Katie Amess saw her dad, the Conservative MP Sir David Amess, he was dropping her at Heathrow for her flight home to Los Angeles. Usually, she would cry when they said goodbye, but this time neither were sad – they were both excited. In six weeks, Katie would be back for her wedding. 'It was going to be in the House of Commons and my dad could not wait to walk me down the aisle,' she says. 'He'd been practising, taking my arm, walking me around. We joked about it – we were calling it the 'royal wedding'. At the airport, we hugged goodbye and he kissed me on both cheeks. I skipped off thinking the next time I saw him would be the best day of my life.' Instead, just four weeks later, her father was murdered at his surgery, stabbed 21 times by an Islamic State sympathiser. He was buried in the suit he was going to wear to the wedding. The music planned for walking Katie down the aisle – Pachelbel's Canon – was instead played as his coffin was carried into the church. The murder of David Amess in October 2021, while serving his constituency in a church hall in Leigh-on-Sea, sent shock waves across the country – and the details that have since emerged should have deepened the outrage and furthered the questions. Amess's killer, Ali Harbi Ali, was a once bright, motivated teenager planning to study medicine who had self-radicalised during Syria's civil war. The teachers at his Croydon school had noticed – one described it as a light going out and that his 'eyes were dead'. Ali's attendance fell, his grades plummeted and attempts to talk to him only raised more concerns, leading the school to contact Prevent, the government-led counter-terrorism strategy designed to identify and deradicalise extremists. One home visit was made, followed by one brief meeting between Ali and an 'intervention provider' in a McDonald's. Conversation was limited to two subjects: whether western music and student loans were unlawful in Islam. Ali was deemed a 'pleasant and informed young man'. (He later said: 'I just knew to nod my head and say yes and they would leave me alone afterwards and they did.') There was no follow-up, no further consultations or contact with his referring teachers. There was no monitoring. Despite the atrocity Ali went on to commit, Katie believes there has been little scrutiny of any of the above, no accountability or consequences for the anonymous officials involved and no requirement to give a public account of their actions and lessons learned. For almost four years, Katie, on behalf of the Amess family, has pushed for an inquiry. Partly as a result of this pressure, the Home Office commissioned Lord Anderson, the interim Prevent commissioner, to produce a rapid review of the case in order to identify whether questions remain unanswered. It was published last week and concluded: 'Though the information available on [Ali's] case is not complete and likely never will be,' the 'unhappy story' of his engagement with Prevent had been 'squeezed almost dry'. Katie doesn't agree. 'I'm not going to give up,' she says. 'All we want is for someone to say: 'We're sorry. This is what happened, these are the mistakes made and this is what we're doing to make sure it never happens again.' I shouldn't have to fight for answers.' Born in Basildon to an electrician father and a dressmaker mother, David Amess was a working-class, Catholic Conservative and had been an Essex MP for 38 years when he was murdered. He was approaching his 70th birthday – on that last airport trip with Katie, she had broached the subject of retirement. 'He didn't want to retire any time soon,' she says. 'He felt he had so much left to do.' Having an MP father was all Katie had ever known, but Amess was not an absent figure, away at Westminster. He was committed to his constituency with no ambitions for higher office. 'When I was young, I used to ask: 'Do you think you could be prime minister?' He'd say: 'Absolutely not!'' For Katie, the second of five children, all born within seven years, he was present and fun and always loomed large in her life. 'My dad was absolutely hilarious and completely inappropriate,' she says. 'He'd do the craziest things and sometimes they were a bit dangerous.' He would booby trap the house at Halloween. He would take all five children to water parks even though he couldn't swim and would have been unable to rescue any of them. At toll booths, on family road trips, all five children were instructed to blow raspberries while he paid the operator. 'He was obsessed with animals, so we had dogs, cats, chickens, bunny rabbits, hamsters, gerbils, a goat called Tinkerbell,' says Katie. 'He wanted a small pony at one point, but Mum vetoed that. He had fish and birds in his office even though no animals were allowed, but he didn't listen to rules. At Halloween, he'd go to Westminster in full goblin outfit. At Christmas, he'd put a tree on his balcony at Westminster, which was definitely not allowed, and his whole office was lit up with flashing lights.' From the age of four, Katie accompanied him to constituency events. 'My elder brother was out playing football and my mum had my three younger sisters to look after, so I was all dressed up and dragged to garden parties and village fetes.' Later, when she moved to London for drama school – she is now an actor – she stayed in her dad's London flat. 'I'm so glad I spent all that time with him so I could just be around him and soak up what he was about,' she says. 'I never knew I wouldn't be with him for another 30 years.' Amess was very well known in his Southend West and Leigh constituency. 'He spent so much time there,' says Katie. 'Everybody knew his name and face. I've received so many messages since he died saying: 'We didn't agree with him politically, but he helped my elderly parents'; 'He got support for my disabled child'; 'He visited my sick grandma in hospital.'' In some ways, his profile and accessibility made him vulnerable. He was the face of government and easy to locate. In fact, it later emerged that Ali had worked through a list of possible victims, including Michael Gove and Keir Starmer, both of who were deemed too complicated to find. Amess – targeted because he had voted in favour of airstrikes against Islamic State – was holding a surgery. (The pinned tweet on Amess's account gave the date, place and details of how to book.) 'I always worried about Dad's safety, but I thought if anything was going to happen, it would be a punch-up from a local yob,' says Katie. 'Never in your wildest dreams would you imagine that a terrorist would go through a list and then come and murder your dad. It's just so shocking. It's still unbelievable.' In the immediate aftermath, the family were too stunned to think about inquiries or even formulate questions. Katie remembers flying straight back to the UK, walking into the family home and seeing the runner beans Amess had picked from the garden before going to surgery. 'I washed up his breakfast plates – tea and toast – from the morning it happened as well as his dinner plates from the night before and could not believe it was the last time I'd ever be doing this,' she says. 'All those times I was annoyed that he'd left his plates for me to clean when I was in his London flat for drama school. Now, I just wanted to be able to clean them one more time.' When details about Ali's history with Prevent began surfacing, the family assumed an inquiry would be announced after his trial. (In April 2022, Ali was given a whole-life sentence.) Two home secretaries – Priti Patel and Suella Braverman – assured the family that they were working on it, but their successor James Cleverly refused to meet them. Instead, there has been only a Prevent learning review, completed in February 2022. This gives a glimpse of Prevent's failures in the case – the strange decision‑making (why focus on student loans and western music only?), the lack of record-keeping, the absence of communication, returned emails or follow-up. 'I was absolutely gobsmacked when I read it,' says Katie. 'I could run Prevent better with my friends. If these are the people entrusted to save us from terrorism, we've got a huge problem.' Equally striking is the sparsity of the review. No one involved is identified or even interviewed. It's a review of secondhand accounts and the records kept (and not kept). 'The main conclusion it seems to draw is that so much has changed with Prevent, it's all been fixed, so we don't need to look any harder,' says Katie. 'If that was true, why were three little girls murdered in Southport last year?' Axel Rudakubana, the Southport killer, was referred to and rejected by Prevent three times. One of the questions to be asked in the Southport inquiry is whether Prevent needs a complete overhaul. 'They could have asked that question years earlier after my dad was killed and perhaps Southport wouldn't have happened,' says Katie. Campaigning hasn't been easy. Katie is based in the US and her mother, Julia, is not well – she had a stroke shortly after Ali's trial, which the family attributes to trauma and grief. The change of government briefly gave them hope. Katie and Julia had a video meeting with Yvette Cooper, the new home secretary, who told them that Amess was a great friend, their Westminster offices were next door and they used to walk to the Commons chamber together. 'We thought: 'Perfect. Now we're getting somewhere,'' says Katie. Instead, months passed. Finally, in March, in another video call, Cooper admitted there wouldn't be an inquiry. 'My mum said: 'Look me in the eyes and tell me as his friend that you think you're doing the right thing.' Yvette Cooper could not answer.' In a formal letter, Cooper explained that it was 'hard to see' how an inquiry could go beyond what had already been established in the trial, the Prevent learning review and the coroner's report, as well as the forthcoming rapid review by Lord Anderson. 'When an elected official is killed in a church hall in broad daylight by somebody the government is monitoring, there should be an inquiry – it shouldn't even be a question,' says Amess. 'This isn't a witch-hunt, but there should be some accountability. The mistakes made cost me my father, my mother's husband, a grandfather, a brother, a son. 'I don't think we'll ever recover,' she continues. 'It's my 40th birthday this month and I know I'd have flown back to England like I did every summer and my dad would have thrown me a huge party. There'd have been 40 balloons and he'd have made my friends give me 40 bumps! I want to have children, but I think: 'What sort of mother would I be now when I'm in so much trauma and heartache?' I used to think he'd be such a funny grandpa. All that has been robbed from me.' For Katie, the lack of support from Westminster after her father's decades of service is deeply painful and nonsensical, too. 'I just cannot believe the way we've been treated by his friends and colleagues,' she says. 'It's in all their interests. They are meeting the public day in, day out, so why don't they want to investigate properly and establish what would make them safer? Dad's legacy needs to be that through what happened to him, he saves other people. Please, just show some human decency. Do the right thing.' Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.


Times
2 hours ago
- Times
Tech titans Jeff Bezos and Bill Gates team up in race for minerals
A company backed by the billionaires Bill Gates and Jeff Bezos is to challenge China in the global race for the minerals that power modern technology. KoBold Metals is to begin mining in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which is estimated by the US to have up to $24 trillion of largely untapped resources. The firm has secured rights to mine one of the world's largest hard-rock lithium deposits, in a region that has been fought over for decades. The venture will be a test of President Trump's pro-business foreign policy and his pledge to restore peace to an area overrun with militia and troops from Congo's neighbours. A Rwanda-backed rebel group has seized a swathe of land there, including its biggest cities, displacing hundreds of thousands of people. A peace deal signed in Washington last month between the DRC and Rwanda to end the fighting was hailed as historic by Trump. Questions remain about its details, however, including the nature of any US security guarantees and which side will benefit most from US business investment. Despite its immense supplies of copper, cobalt, coltan, tin and uranium, the DRC is among the five poorest countries in the world. For years, US firms considered the challenges of operating in such an unstable and corrupt country too great, which has enabled Chinese firms to get ahead. However, Trump's new focus appears to have provided enough confidence for KoBold Metals to agree a 'large-scale minerals exploration programme' over 1,600 sq km in the DRC's most volatile region. Benjamin Katabuka, its director-general in the country, told the Financial Times that the firm was 'looking to go big in this country … investments could be in the billions'. KoBold Metals pledged to develop local talent and to 'create thousands of high-paying Congolese jobs for decades'. Another US consortium, including a company led by former US special forces staff, has emerged as the leading bidder for Chemaf Resources Ltd, a Congolese copper and cobalt producer, after Kinshasa blocked its sale to a Chinese state-owned firm. President Tshisekedi of the DRC has long sought to attract more western investment to counterbalance China's dominance. He approached the US in February with an offer of mining rights in exchange for security support and has since backed calls for Trump to win the Nobel peace prize. KoBold Metals' agreement to develop the Roche Dure lithium deposit at Manono is contingent on resolving a long-running dispute over rights to the site between the Congolese government, Australia-based AVZ Minerals and China's state-backed Zijin Mining. The US start-up will also face the challenge of operating in a sector fraught with reports of labour abuses and environmental harm, and being judged against its billionaire backers' humanitarian and green commitments. The Bezos Earth Fund has pledged $110 million in grants to protect the Congo basin and the Gates Foundation helps fund agricultural development in the region. Founded in 2018, KoBold Metals distinguishes itself from traditional mining companies by using artificial intelligence to 'scrape' geological archives and algorithms to identify potential mineral deposits. In 2024, it found Zambia's largest copper deposit in a century. The conflict in the eastern DRC stems from the aftermath of the 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda when nearly two million Hutus, including those accused of the slaughter, fled into Congo fearing reprisals. Rwanda has repeatedly intervened, citing threats from Hutu militias, and an estimated six million people have died in fighting, famine and disease. Analysts say much of the violence is driven by competition over natural resources. Reports by the UN and a number of western governments, including the US and EU, have presented evidence that Rwanda is backing and arming the M23 rebel movement in part to loot minerals from the DRC and export them as their own. Rwanda denies the allegation.