logo
BRICS+ Series: Reshaping Global Food Production through Brazilian Agriculture

BRICS+ Series: Reshaping Global Food Production through Brazilian Agriculture

IOL News7 hours ago

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (C) gestures during a meeting with African agriculture ministers as part of the II Brazil-Africa Dialogue on Food Security at the Itamaraty Palace.
Brazil has tremendous agricultural potential with some of the most arable land in the world. Innovation in this sector can clearly see a vast economic improvement of Brazil's agricultural sector. Modernisation in terms of precision agriculture practices and digital tools, sustainable farming methods addressing environmental concerns, and the future of the globalised agricultural market for Brazil. Brazil's increased emphasis on environmental protection–particularly that of the Amazon, means that the country's environmental policies are stringently enforced, illustrated by its renewable energy dominance.
Agriculture in Brazil accounts for around 6.8% of the country's GDP (Gross Domestic Product), although it has massive growth potential, this is largely because less than 30% of its land area is being used for agriculture. Various advanced methods and resources are applied throughout the various crop-cycles. This information is used and coded into machine-learning. This revolutionisation of quality, productivity, and cost-efficiency is a new feat for the agricultural sector.
Primary data collected for precision agriculture includes information about soil, crops, climate, and machine usage. This interconnectedness, especially regarding soil, climate and crop yield creates a bit of a challenge. Citing research from UNESP and Embrapa Soja, the utilisation of neural networks indicates that factors like lime application and plant height play a critical role in production. One of the agricultural companies, AGCO, spearheads the increase of farm profitability by 20% over the next 5 years.
As the fourth-largest food producer in the world, the Brazilian government emphasises the preservation of land and livelihoods for a sustainable future. The Brazilian legislature has implemented a number of practices through initiatives like the Agricultural plan (Plano Safra) and the National Program for Low-Carbon Emissions in Agriculture–with a focus on crop production finance, these initiatives are aligned to climate goals. The Brazilian government has allocated roughly $340 billion for rural credit, supporting rural farmers representing 29% of total agricultural production.
Brazil's agricultural economy suffers when devaluation occurs, causing the prices of commodities in local currency to rise and costs measured in foreign currency decrease, leading to higher profit margins and increased revenues, however, those with debt denominated in foreign currencies sees its debt burden increase. The economic effects of devaluation on Brazil's agricultural and food industries depend on the price structure within the economy and how relative commodity prices respond. For example, during Brazil's severe recession in 2015–16, the weaker real contributed to record growth in agricultural exports. The devaluation encouraged farmers to bring more land into production and increase double cropping, which, despite low global dollar-denominated prices, resulted in higher net returns for Brazilian farmers in local currency terms.
Overall, bridging the gap between agriculture-technology-sustainability becomes extra important, needing solutions that are efficient and effective to harness the maximal potential of Brazil's agricultural sector. The role of the legislature and regulations plays an important role regarding development and the environment. Therefore, Brazil's willingness for environmental protection is undisputed.
Written by:
*Dr Iqbal Survé
Past chairman of the BRICS Business Council and co-chairman of the BRICS Media Forum and the BRNN
*Cole Jackson
Lead Associate at BRICS+ Consulting Group
Chinese & South American Specialist
**The Views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of Independent Media or IOL.
** MORE ARTICLES ON OUR WEBSITE https://bricscg.com/
** Follow @brics_daily on X/Twitter & @brics_daily on Instagram for daily BRICS+ updates

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Does SADC's post-conflict peace plan marginalise transitional justice?
Does SADC's post-conflict peace plan marginalise transitional justice?

Daily Maverick

time3 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Does SADC's post-conflict peace plan marginalise transitional justice?

Without several amendments to its draft framework the Southern African Development Community will struggle to help member states address their abusive pasts. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has embarked on a commendable and much-needed peacebuilding initiative to help prevent the recurrence of violence and authoritarian backsliding in the region. Countries in southern Africa are marked by prolonged colonial and postcolonial violence, repressive regimes and entrenched inequalities, and need coherent policies to guide them towards justice, reconciliation and sustainable peace. Member states recently met in Johannesburg to discuss a draft framework that facilitates the design and implementation of post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) and transitional justice initiatives. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads SADC lags behind its counterparts, such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, in developing a PCRD framework. But this initiative positions it as the first regional body in Africa to formally circulate a draft transitional justice policy for member states to consider. Instead of developing two distinct frameworks, the SADC opted to integrate PCRD and transitional justice into one cohesive document. For this approach to work, both domains need adequate attention, but the current draft disproportionately favours PCRD at the expense of transitional justice. While PCRD and transitional justice share overlapping concerns and can be complementary, they have distinct mandates, methodologies and normative foundations. PCRD typically emphasises infrastructure development, state capacity building and institutional reform, whereas transitional justice focuses on redress, accountability and societal healing. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads The draft also lacks reference to contemporary and regionally relevant developments in the transitional justice field. It draws on the 2004 United Nations definition of transitional justice, thereby overlooking the African Union Transitional Justice Policy, adopted in 2019 by all AU member states, including those in the SADC. The AU policy is grounded in African norms, values and approaches – including traditional justice systems – and offers a regionally relevant and contextually appropriate framework. By failing to reference the policy and incorporate its definition, the SADC's draft does not reflect member states' sociopolitical and cultural contexts. Also, the draft's narrow conceptualisation of transitional justice limits its application to post-conflict contexts, overlooking the legacies of authoritarianism. Numerous southern African states have faced governance-related abuses long after active conflict has ended, including systemic corruption, enforced disappearances and the suppression of dissent. Transitional justice mechanisms must address post-conflict and post-authoritarian contexts, since both generate serious human rights violations that require recognition and redress. Another notable omission is mental health and psychosocial support. Although such support is not explicit in the AU policy, it has become essential to contemporary transitional justice and peacebuilding efforts. Survivors of violence often carry hidden scars – trauma, stigma and social dislocation – that traditional transitional justice pillars alone cannot heal. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Experts and practitioners increasingly advocate for mainstreaming mental health support across all transitional justice pillars, while some suggest treating it as a distinct element altogether. A credible transitional justice framework must incorporate such support, not only to promote individual recovery, but to enhance societal cohesion and resilience. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Moreover, the SADC draft does not adequately anticipate the implications of emerging threats – particularly climate change and environmental degradation – on peace and justice in the region. Given the SADC's reliance on natural resources and agriculture, the connections between ecological stress, conflict and transitional justice must be articulated. Many human rights violations in the region have a cross-border dimension, rendering a purely national approach inadequate. Conflicts and repression, for example in Cabo Delgado in Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo, often involve more than one state, spilling across borders due to porous boundaries and shared ethnic or political identities. The framework should provide a basis for cross-border investigations, transnational reparation schemes and regional truth commissions. Regional organisations are well positioned to support and sustain such initiatives. Furthermore, transitional justice within the SADC must address not only civil and political rights violations, but also violations of economic and social rights – an area where the AU policy remains comparatively underdeveloped. Land dispossession, extractive exploitation, systemic corruption, state capture and poverty should be viewed not merely as development issues, but also as matters of justice. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads This has been acknowledged to varying degrees by transitional justice processes in Sierra Leone, Chad, Ethiopia and Liberia, and in cases before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. A comprehensive framework shouldn't consider transitional justice in isolation. Recent experiences highlight the need for complementarity with other peacebuilding mechanisms such as peace processes, PCRD, national dialogues and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes. The SADC framework should guide countries on coordinating and sequencing these processes. Furthermore, the final framework must go beyond articulating principles to providing actionable guidance for member states. This includes strategies for contextualising transitional justice at the national level, building institutional capacity to engage with communities, and promoting decentralised implementation. Transitional justice must be pursued through both top-down and bottom-up approaches. The SADC framework should actively promote inclusive, participatory and decentralised mechanisms that engage communities, civil society organisations and local institutions alongside government actors. Equally important is the question of monitoring and oversight. The SADC may consider the AU policy, which empowers the AU Commission to monitor national transitional justice initiatives. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Parallel mechanisms could enable the SADC Secretariat to support and guide member states. Enhanced collaboration with the AU Commission in Addis Ababa would ensure regional coherence and technical rigour during implementation. Ultimately, the SADC region needs a transitional justice policy that is not only aligned with AU instruments and informed by regional and international best practices, but also reflects consultations with stakeholders, civil society and communities. Whether developed as part of the current integrated draft or through a standalone transitional justice framework, the core elements, principles, cross-cutting issues and benchmarks must be identified and agreed on. Without these revisions, the SADC risks falling short of its potential to support member states in confronting their authoritarian and violent pasts and in laying the foundations for justice, reconciliation and peace. DM John G Ikubaje, head, Transitional Justice Unit, Political Affairs, Peace and Security Department, AU Commission; and Tadesse Simie Metekia, senior researcher, Special Projects, Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Addis Ababa. First published by ISS Today.

Rethinking resilience
Rethinking resilience

TimesLIVE

time3 hours ago

  • TimesLIVE

Rethinking resilience

Resilience is no longer about having a backup plan. It means being able to adapt – faster than the market shifts, the threats evolve, or the next compliance requirement lands on your desk. In this issue of Digital Business, we explore how South African businesses are rethinking resilience in a landscape that's as complex as it is fast-moving. Cloud adoption is no longer novel; it's foundational. But cost pressures, skills shortages, and fragmented architectures are pushing CIOs to do more with less – while still promising scalability, security, and service continuity. AI adds a new layer of pressure. It's helping teams automate threat detection and close talent gaps. But it's also arming attackers with better tools, faster tactics, and increasingly sophisticated deepfakes. In this environment, relying on outdated systems or legacy playbooks isn't just risky – it's negligent. What's becoming clearer is this: the tech alone isn't enough. The real competitive edge lies in people – whether that means security teams being upskilled through local bootcamps, business leaders embracing cloud strategy as a boardroom priority, or organisations maturing their operations to unlock long-term value. You'll find stories in this issue that span deep technical insight, human-centred innovation, and forward-looking strategy. From the economics of cloud optimisation to the ethics of AI in an African context, these are the conversations shaping digital business – not just in 2025, but from here on out. We hope it helps you see not just where the future's going – but how to meet it on your own terms. Brendon Petersen. Editor

Is TikTok overtaking Facebook and WhatsApp in South Africa's social media landscape?
Is TikTok overtaking Facebook and WhatsApp in South Africa's social media landscape?

IOL News

time7 hours ago

  • IOL News

Is TikTok overtaking Facebook and WhatsApp in South Africa's social media landscape?

Despite ongoing concerns over TikTok's monetisation practices for African content creators, the Chinese-owned platform continues to expand its reach in South Africa. Image: Patrick T. Fallon / AFP Despite ongoing concerns over TikTok's monetisation practices for African content creators, the Chinese-owned platform continues to expand its reach in South Africa. According to the newly released Ornico and World Wide Worx Social Media Landscape Report 2025, TikTok's user reach in the country rose from 34.0% in 2023 to 38.6% in 2024. The Ornico and World Wide Worx Social Media Landscape Report is an annual study that provides insights into how South Africans engage with social media platforms. "Amid this shift in user mindset, clear platform-specific trends have emerged. TikTok has surged ahead as the platform of choice for habitual short-video consumption, reflecting its dominance in entertainment and youth culture," the report said. Earlier this year, IOL reported that Minister of Communications and Digital Technologies, Solly Malatsi, urged TikTok to also implement its monetisation programs for South African content creators. Currently, features such as the Creator Fund and TikTok Shop remain largely unavailable across Africa, even though they have been rolled out in regions like the US, Europe, and parts of Asia. In contrast, Facebook's user penetration declined from 59.6% to 56.2%, with its daily and weekly active user rates dropping from 53.8% to 51.2%. "On the other hand, Facebook continues a steady decline in use and relevance across virtually all demographics, mirroring changing tastes and a perception that it offers diminishing value. For instance, its overall user penetration fell from 59.6% in 2023 to 56.2% in 2024, and even its highly active user base contracted from 53.8% to 51.2%. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ While WhatsApp remains the most widely used messaging app, it also experienced a slight decline amid growing competition from Telegram, which increased its penetration from 10.3% to 13.0%. "In the messaging arena, WhatsApp remains the most widely used messaging app by far, with a majority of South Africans using it daily. However, even WhatsApp is showing cracks: its penetration has dipped slightly as the market slowly diversifies," the report noted. The report also revealed that South Africans are becoming more selective about how they use social media, with fewer people feeling the need to check their feeds every day. Professional networking site LinkedIn has also gained users, with penetration rising from 12.2% to 15.8%, and more frequent use. while, smaller platforms like Pinterest and Reddit are also growing. "In parallel, LinkedIn has gained ground among professionals, expanding its influence in networking and B2B marketing. Its penetration grew from 12.2% to 15.8%, and high-frequency use rose from 6.6% to 10.3%, reflecting more regular engagement on the platform. On the business side, the report also noted that 57% of companies now have clear social media plans for both customers and other businesses, with TikTok becoming popular for marketing, with 47% of brands using it. Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel IOL

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store