logo
How Sun Belt Cities Are Becoming More Like Boston and San Francisco

How Sun Belt Cities Are Becoming More Like Boston and San Francisco

Yahoo12-06-2025

Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily.
For the past 50 years, Forsyth County, Georgia, has been one of the fastest-growing places in the United States. Today, the population of this Atlanta exurb, 45 miles northwest of the city, is 280,000—more than 10 times as many people as lived there just 40 years ago. It's emblematic of the Sun Belt boom that has shifted the nation's population geography south, into a string of fast-growing cities from Orlando to Phoenix.
Forsyth County may be emblematic of the Sun Belt in another way: It has soured on growth. In the last election, one commissioner ran as 'big corporate developers' worst nightmare'; another trumpeted 'zero apartments approved.' This spring, county commissioners voted to establish a 180-day moratorium to freeze rezoning for residential development. 'Our roads are gridlocked, and our schools are full,' said a third commissioner, Mendy Moore.
Similar growing pains are playing out in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas, as residents grow irate over the loss of farmland, overworked sewer systems, crowded schools, and traffic. They are responding with impact fees, traffic studies, minimum lot sizes, and moratoriums, among other urban-planning tactics to slow down subdivision builders. 'Anti-Growth Fervor Grips US South,' Bloomberg wrote last year. The belt isn't buckling anymore.
In a new working paper, economists Edward Glaeser and Joe Gyourko put some data behind the anecdata. They show that the rate of new home construction is collapsing in big metro areas like Atlanta, Phoenix, Dallas, Las Vegas, Orlando, and Raleigh that have long been synonymous with sprawl and cheap housing—especially on the urban frontier. They are building housing at a pace much closer to those of Rust Belt cities like Detroit and coastal cities like Los Angeles these days. 'What we show is there is a sharp decline in the intensity of building in high-price, low-density housing tracts. What's that? That's the best suburbs,' Gyourko, a professor at Penn's Wharton School, told me.
As sprawl dries up, prices are soaring: The paper notes that home prices in Miami, Tampa, and Phoenix have grown faster than those in metro New York City since 2000. Increasingly, housing affordability is a national problem, inspiring policy action in once cheap cities like Dallas and states like Montana. But problem solvers in those places may be up against a vicious cycle, in which rising prices attract well-heeled buyers who support policies that stop development—and cause prices to rise further.
'Sun Belt residents are starting to behave and stop development the way Bostonians did in the '80s and '90s,' Gyourko hypothesized. 'It's similar behavior but just starting much later. They're not [exactly like] coastal cities yet, but if this keeps going for another 20 years they will be, and housing will be very expensive.'
From the 1970s to the 2000s, Sun Belt cities built on a massive scale—hundreds of thousands of new homes each decade. The sweet spot for those new homes, Glaeser and Gyourko show, was in 'high price, low density' tracts—places that were in high demand, relative to the metropolitan average, and very suburban in character. In the 1970s, for example, Atlanta built 88 percent of its new homes in such areas—areas like Forsyth County. Miami built 65 percent of homes in those parts of the region in the 1980s. Dallas and Phoenix peaked in the 1990s.
Since then, the share of new homes getting built in those areas has fallen in all of those cities and others—evidence, the authors suggest, of a rising tide of not-in-my-backyard sentiment. And that's a smaller share of a much smaller pie: Overall, the housing stock in these cities is growing by less than 1 percent a year, a fraction of the pace of decades past.
Of course there are other possibilities. Nationally, construction has not recovered from the 2008 financial crisis. The accompanying mortgage finance crackdown boxed lower-income buyers out of the market. There may be geographical and temporal limits to desire in sprawl, points so far from the metropolitan center of gravity that nobody wants to live there. And then there is the shift toward demand for more housing in closer-in, denser neighborhoods, which command high per-square-foot prices and have long been starved for development.
But the data suggest that the sprawl decline began before the financial crisis. And while a comb of tall apartment buildings on Miami's Biscayne Bay waterfront in Brickell might reflect increased demand for urban living, there may be a push factor there—development is going where development can go.
In some quarters, this will be taken as good news. In addition to its environmental costs, sprawl's reputation for affordability is undermined by the enormous transportation expenses that come along with living miles from schools, shops, and jobs. If you include the obligation that every adult in the household own, fuel, maintain, and insure a car, supposedly affordable cities like Houston can wind up being more expensive than cities like New York, by some measures.
Still, what construction has shifted to higher-density areas hasn't been enough to offset sprawl's decline, and rising home prices reflect that. In April, Conor Dougherty wrote a story for the New York Times Magazine questioning the conventional wisdom of anti-sprawl, arguing that exurban development has been a vital escape valve for the nation's failure to build enough infill housing. His focus was on Princeton, Texas, 43 miles from Dallas, where the population has more than doubled since the pandemic, to 37,000 last year.
In May, the Census Bureau dubbed Princeton the fastest-growing city in the country. But it is also a poster child for the limits of sprawl. Last year, Princeton passed a moratorium on new residential development. The city staff said: 'The city's water, wastewater and roadway infrastructure is operating at, near, or beyond capacity.' Princeton, Texas, is full. Keep moving.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Brad Lander Managed His Arrest Just Fine. What He Saw in the Interrogation Room Broke Him.
Brad Lander Managed His Arrest Just Fine. What He Saw in the Interrogation Room Broke Him.

Yahoo

time17 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Brad Lander Managed His Arrest Just Fine. What He Saw in the Interrogation Room Broke Him.

Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily. Brad Lander thought he was making another trip to Manhattan's immigration court on Tuesday to protest U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement's detentions and deportations of undocumented people in New York. Instead, the city's Democratic comptroller and mayoral contender was shoved against a wall by masked ICE agents, handcuffed, led through the same corridors where he'd been escorting immigrants only moments earlier, and detained for roughly five hours. Federal officials claimed he had 'assaulted' and 'impeded' their officers, though Lander was released without charges. Gov. Kathy Hochul sought to intervene and branded the episode 'bullshit.' New York Attorney General Tish James called it 'a shocking abuse of power.' Rival candidates Zohran Mamdani and Andrew Cuomo both condemned the arrest. With early voting for the Democratic primary opened, and more than 130,000 ballots already in, voters are now looking at images of a would-be mayor in zip ties. Barely 24 hours after walking out of 26 Federal Plaza, I called Lander to talk through the arrest, what exactly happened, and how the experience could reshape the last stage of his campaign. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity. Aymann Ismail: What were you doing inside 26 Federal Plaza on Tuesday? Brad Lander: So this was the third time I've done it. I've gone each of the last three weeks as a part of a friend of the court program organized by Immigrant ARC that asks people to come down and bear witness to immigration hearings and, in some cases, escort people out of the building. About three weeks ago, the Department of Homeland Security changed their policy. They dismissed people's cases, stripped them of their asylum-seeker status, and subjected them to expedited removal. I've been able to escort five individuals or families out of the building without incident, and that felt great. But in this instance, following what's happened to Sen. Alex Padilla and to Newark Mayor Ras Baraka and others, they decided to arrest me. It's a sign of Trump's creeping authoritarianism and of the threats to our democracy. Did the ICE agents give you any warning? Was there anything different about the case of yesterday? ICE agents mill around the elevator bank. When I came up in the elevator yesterday before I even got to the floor, as soon as the doors open, a group of ICE agents were holding someone that they were detaining. We knew this was a possibility in every case, and at least in my limited experience so far, the seven people that I've accompanied, you don't know whether they're going to come grab the person or not until you turn the corner into the elevator lobby. Walk me through what was happening in that exact moment when ICE agents grabbed you. At first, I had spent a minute talking to Edgardo [the man he was escorting] as another volunteer explained what was going on. I could see how scared he was, and I was just hoping I'd be able to walk him out of the building. Then when the ICE agent started surrounding us and grabbing him, I did what I had been trained to do. I asked to see the judicial warrant. It all moved pretty quickly from there. Reportedly an agent said before your arrest, 'You want me to arrest the comptroller?' I did not hear that. I know that's been reported. I had not heard that at the time. I was asking for the warrant, and one agent said, 'I have the warrant.' That led me to say, 'Well, can I see it?' Otherwise, as you can see on the video, there was kind of a melee. And volunteers are doing more of the talking, asking for badge numbers, asking for the warrant, asking on what authority they were arresting him. This is part of the problem. In an arrest done by uniformed officers in an appropriate way, they name the person and explain on what authority they are making an arrest. And none of that happened yesterday. What was happening in your mind in that exact moment? I was trying to stay focused on Edgardo. There's an important tradition of bearing witness, of nonviolent civic action, of saying, 'I am going to object when people's rights are being stripped away from them.' I was focused on that: Asking the questions about where the authority comes from, objecting to the due-process violations, insisting that the rule of law be followed. That was what was in my head. Homeland Security accused you of assaulting and impeding federal officers. What do you make of that accusation? The video making its way around the internet quite clearly shows that that was not the case. I only learned of that once I got out. I was surprised by it, yes, because it's so patently not what the video shows happened. What happened once you were detained? What kind of facility did they take you into? Were you detained with anybody else? What was that experience like? They brought me to just a room, like an interview room—imagine a Law & Order interview room—most of the time with one ICE police officer just sitting. I didn't have my phone. I was just sitting there for four hours. It's true that we're such creatures of our phones that four hours without one is notable. I was going over in my head what had happened. There were posters on the wall of the room, like, 'Wash your hands before you leave the bathroom,' except that the posters on the wall of this room said, 'Are you a parent who is detained and separated from your children?,' in both English and Spanish. It is horrifying that we have normalized family separation to the point that there's a standard bilingual poster for it on the walls of the interview room and detention rooms in federal immigration courthouses. And the information is not helpful. It's like, 'Here's a hotline number, good luck to you.' The fact that it's a standard enough situation that we are separating parents from their kids that we've designed a bilingual poster to put on the walls as though somehow that excuses behavior that is really torture—yeah, it is enraging. Gov. Kathy Hochul called the arrest 'bullshit.' Were you surprised by that? I was grateful that the governor came down and helped get me out, and even more grateful that she announced $50 million for legal services for people like Edgardo who are facing deportation without lawyers. I was honored to be there for him, but what would've been way better for him was having a lawyer who could actually assert his rights and file his appeal. This is not a small issue. Forty percent of New Yorkers are immigrants. Fifty percent live in mixed-status households, including a million children, and making sure that they can't have their rights ripped out from under them is something that the city and the state have to be doing. Eric Adams continues to bring shame to himself and our city by showing that he's on the side of Trump and the ICE agents. The New York Times reported ICE didn't legally need the warrant you said it did. Was there confusion there? I'm not an immigration attorney. I was asking questions that I had been trained to ask. It is good for individuals when ICE comes to ask to see a judicial warrant, but I also will say I'm not an immigration attorney, and whatever the situation turns out to be, it can't be acceptable that people did everything right, presented themselves at the border, had a hearing, came to their hearing, filed their asylum application, and then just because DHS says, 'Ah, we're going to dismiss the case,' all of a sudden have no rights at all and can be disappeared into detention and deported with no rights whatsoever. That's why I was just asking for some due process. You mentioned Sen. Alex Padilla was detained in Los Angeles under similar circumstances, and Mayor Ras Baraka in New Jersey, too. Do you see this as targeted toward Democratic politicians defending immigration rights? Attorney General Pam Bondi has said on the record that their intention is to quote-unquote 'liberate' Democratic cities from their elected officials. That is Orwellian speak for authoritarian domination to say the federal government is going to come arrest elected officials who are either asking questions as Sen. Padilla was, or trying to enforce their local laws as Ras Baraka was, or observing in a court and asking for a judicial warrant as I was. I think that Donald Trump is coming after our cities and our democracy, and I think it's an important moment for leaders to step up, which is why I was glad that Congress members Nadler and Goldman went down to observe in court today. I hope other elected officials will do it, too. I hope other people will sign up with Immigrant ARC to bear witness and be escorts themselves. They can make examples of Sen. Padilla and Mayor Baraka and me. But if Americans by the thousands, by the millions, show up as we did over the weekend at the No Kings march in peaceful, nonviolent witness, we can respond to this moment of crisis with a love of our democracy and what it means to be governed by the rule of law. That's what we got to do. If you become mayor, where will you draw the line between New York City's sanctuary policies and cooperating with federal law enforcement? Our sanctuary laws are clear and appropriate. If an individual has been convicted of a serious or violent defense, then the New York City sanctuary city laws instruct cooperation with ICE. In investigating a criminal activity, both local and federal government have a role to play, depending on the case and the scope and the charges. But where people have not been convicted of a serious or violent defense, our laws do not permit collaboration between New York City personnel or contractors and federal immigration agents. And I will not allow it. I won't allow ICE in our schools or our public hospitals or our shelters as necessary. I'll put my body on the line as I did yesterday. I want to provide more legal resources so that folks have attorneys to know what to do in their cases. If parent coordinators in schools can offer to families connections to community-based legal organizations, that'll help people come to court more ready so that somebody like Edgardo or Zed or Maria and Manuel or the other families that I've met and the thousands in court every day. New York City can help make sure they have lawyers if they're facing deportation proceedings, and get the information they need to make good choices. That's what we should be doing. The only way New York City can stand up for the values reflected by that statue in the harbor is if we're doing better to live up to them. We need to deliver affordable housing and safe neighborhoods and good streets and transportation to all New Yorkers, whether they are here since birth or here since breakfast. That's what I'm going to do as mayor.

I Watched the Democrats Lose Muslim Support Last Election. This Gave Me Hope for 2026.
I Watched the Democrats Lose Muslim Support Last Election. This Gave Me Hope for 2026.

Yahoo

time17 hours ago

  • Yahoo

I Watched the Democrats Lose Muslim Support Last Election. This Gave Me Hope for 2026.

Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily. In late May, I joined roughly two dozen Muslim entrepreneurs, community leaders, nonprofit organizers, and student activists around a very large table for a closed‑door strategy meeting with Newark Mayor Ras Baraka. There was no other press, no recording. Emgage Action, a leading Muslim American advocacy organization, welcomed me to observe on the condition that before I quoted anyone, I would first get their consent. We were there to discuss the role of Muslims in the Democratic Party. Many in the room had grown convinced that national Democratic leaders prefer the Muslims in their party to stay quiet and fall in line. In 2024 national party leaders all but ignored months of protests in support of Gaza, backed on-campus police crackdowns, then blamed 'disinformation' when Muslim and Arab American voters staged protest abstentions that helped tip Michigan, Minnesota, and key New Jersey counties to Donald Trump. Many in the room saw that sequence as Democrat leadership's agenda coming down to 'Please hold your nose,' and proof the party values Muslim turnout but not Muslim input. Baraka's counter‑thesis was simple: Fight for them, and they'll fight for you. It is the opposite of what Muslim organizers say they experienced from party leaders in 2024, the cycle Democrats lost to Donald Trump. When Baraka arrived in the room where we waited, it was just after 8 a.m. He was tieless, wearing a solid‑black dashiki, and he spoke softly at first, almost cautious. If anyone expected the fiery mayor who had dominated cable news earlier in the week—handcuffed by federal agents and hauled into an Immigration and Customs Enforcement jail—they found a calmer figure instead. Five days before this gathering, Baraka had joined three members of Congress at Delaney Hall, the recently reopened ICE detention center in Newark, the city he governs. They intended a surprise inspection. Video shows agents ordering them off the property; Baraka complied, stepping back onto the public sidewalk. They arrested him anyway. By that evening, supporters from civil‑rights and faith groups, including Muslim organizers, were rallying outside the detention center where he was being held. He was released that night; the trespass charge evaporated in court 10 days later. But even as the Department of Homeland Security dropped the charges against him, it brought new ones against Rep. LaMonica McIver, one of the lawmakers he had been with.* The whole thing had been a jarring experience, and Baraka has been blunt: 'It's just authoritarianism. … These people are committed to this foolishness. They're going to go as far as they can to not look completely ridiculous because what they did was wrong. They had no jurisdiction over there in the first place.' In that closed-door meeting, the questions posed to Baraka circled three themes: affordability, taxes, and Palestine. Two of those topics are par for the course, though the Newark mayor certainly has thoughts on them. On Palestine, Baraka had a real chance to differentiate himself from the rest of the Democratic party. When multiple attendees referenced student sanctions and job losses across industries in response to their stances on Gaza, Baraka replied that Muslims should be able to criticize U.S. or Israeli policy without being labeled unpatriotic or antisemitic. Throughout, he linked those answers to a wider critique of his own party. 'The leadership of the party has been pretty docile and comfortable and have completely isolated their base across the country.' His prescription was the opposite of caution. 'We can't move in a timid fashion. We have to move with force, with courage, with strength, and we have to move together.' The room nodded, but the primary electorate had a different answer when it came to the race for the Democratic candidate for New Jersey governor. Two weeks later Baraka lost decisively to Rep. Mikie Sherrill, a Navy pilot turned moderate whose campaign leaned on the county machines, saturated the suburbs with ads about property taxes, and avoided Gaza discourse almost entirely. Sherrill's pitch was electability: She promised to 'keep New Jersey blue' without scaring swing voters in Bergen and Monmouth. Baraka, who came in second, couldn't match her donor network and party support that still decides most downballot races. New Jersey is home to an estimated 320,000 Muslims, about 3.5 percent of residents. In 2021 Phil Murphy won reelection by roughly 85,000 votes. Despite those numbers, many of the Muslim community leaders I spoke to voiced their disapproval of how state and national strategists have long treated them as an afterthought—phoning in Eid greetings, skipping hard policy conversations, and assuming they'll continue to view the Democratic Party as their home regardless of outreach or collaboration. Baraka's strategy was different—he focused on reaching out to them. This, however, seemed to double as a flex to show the problem with complacency: If a bloc this large can be energized in an off-cycle primary, what could it do in a presidential year? Baraka spent one of his last days before the primary courting the population, and I tagged along. When I asked his main objective for the tour, he said he wanted to 'galvanize the Muslim community in New Jersey. If we do that, that will be good.' His theory was straightforward: turn a reliable but under-organized bloc into a decisive one and show national Democrats what they risk when they take that bloc for granted. Baraka's Muslim itinerary tracks almost perfectly with census clusters and past underperformance, like Paterson and North Brunswick. I followed Baraka north to Paterson, home to one of the nation's largest Palestinian communities. The visit was brief. He introduced himself as a candidate for governor in cafés on Main Street and took quick photos with voters. One man called out 'Barakah!'—pronouncing it like the Arabic word for 'blessing'—before snapping a selfie. Another passerby whispered, 'That's the guy Trump arrested.' Where party strategists in 2024 feared alienating moderates, Baraka has spent his state-wide campaign courting voters the party lost. Where operatives believed that Gaza activism endangered swing districts, Baraka has argued that silence costs more. Muslim organizers note that only a few statewide Democrats have held unrestricted Q&A's with them since last cycle. Baraka's willingness to do so anchors his appeal. Baraka's grassroots strategy lost—but it still netted 163,563 votes, enough to lift him surprisingly to second place and to carry New Jersey's most populous county, Essex. Those numbers didn't carry him past Sherrill, yet they did remind operatives that a bloc the size of New Jersey's Muslim population matters to the statewide margin. Now that the governor's race is over, Muslim leaders sound cautiously optimistic. They want movement—on surveillance reform, on ceasefire resolutions, on small-business aid—before they'll call this a realignment. But they also say the door is now open. If statewide Democrats walk through it before 2026, Baraka's unsuccessful bid could mark the start of a voter bloc returning to a party that once counted on it. If they don't, the silence of 2024 might echo again when the presidential race comes calling.

Susquehanna Raises Penn Entertainment Inc. (PENN) Price Target
Susquehanna Raises Penn Entertainment Inc. (PENN) Price Target

Yahoo

time2 days ago

  • Yahoo

Susquehanna Raises Penn Entertainment Inc. (PENN) Price Target

Penn Entertainment Inc. (NASDAQ:PENN) is among the 10 Best Casino Stocks To Buy Now. Susquehanna maintained a positive recommendation on Penn Entertainment Inc. (NASDAQ:PENN) and increased its price objective from $24 to $25 on June 10. The bright and neon lights of a glitzy casino, revealing the company's iCasino and gaming properties. The firm stated that the outcome of the impending proxy contest, which is anticipated to end by June 17, will probably be disappointing. Susquehanna does not expect any major strategy changes regardless of the result, but the analyst gives the appointment of two new board members a high possibility and the addition of three a low probability. Susquehanna acknowledged the recent mid-course correction in Penn Entertainment Inc. (NASDAQ:PENN)'s digital strategy, calling the change 'painful' and contributing to the stock's slow growth. Nonetheless, the management sees the change as a necessary realignment to set up the business for long-term success. The board overhaul is not anticipated to result in significant operational changes, despite temporary setbacks. The updated price target shows a little rise in optimism, based more on stabilization than revolutionary expansion. While we acknowledge the potential of PENN as an investment, we believe certain AI stocks offer greater upside potential and carry less downside risk. If you're looking for an extremely undervalued AI stock that also stands to benefit significantly from Trump-era tariffs and the onshoring trend, see our free report on the best short-term AI stock. READ NEXT: 10 High-Growth EV Stocks to Invest In and 13 Best Car Stocks to Buy in 2025. Disclosure. None. Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store