Israeli strikes in Gaza kill at least 19, hospitals say, as ceasefire talks drag on
Israel and Hamas appeared no closer to a breakthrough in talks meant to pause the 21-month war and free some Israeli hostages. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was in Washington last week to discuss the deal with the Trump administration, but a new sticking point has emerged over the deployment of Israeli troops during the truce, raising questions over the feasibility of a new deal.
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Fox News
4 minutes ago
- Fox News
Mother of slain soldier held by Hamas terrorists for 4K days makes plea to Trump
It has been 4,000 days since Hadar Goldin, a 23-year-old Israeli soldier and budding artist, was ambushed and killed by Hamas terrorists during a U.S.-brokered ceasefire in Gaza. His remains have never been returned. For his mother, Leah Goldin, the passage of time has only deepened the urgency. In a wide-ranging interview marking the grim milestone, she thanked President Donald Trump and his advisors for their efforts so far— and asked for them to ensure that no ceasefire, normalization deal or regional agreement moves forward without the return of her son. "We are turning to and hoping that President Trump and his people — who understand this issue — will recognize that the real victory over Iran is to bring everyone home immediately and unconditionally. Hadar is a symbol, and the Saudis must make this demand on their side, because you can't speak of normalization while we remain in a state of abnormality. "These deals are a bluff — and this selective process is horrific. It's killing the families and the hostages. The further we go without bringing everyone back and ending this awful war, the more Hadar Goldins there will be. It's unbearable." Hadar Goldin was born to a prominent family of educators and raised on values of faith, service and compassion. Hadar was known for his gentle character, sharp intellect and deep artistic talent. He had just gotten engaged. In his free time, he drew portraits, wrote poetry and taught children with disabilities. He was serving in the elite Givati Brigade when, on Aug. 1, 2014, during Operation Protective Edge, Hamas violated a ceasefire — agreed upon hours earlier with U.S. and U.N. mediation — by launching a surprise attack. Hadar was killed and dragged into a tunnel inside Gaza. For his mother, that moment shattered not only her family's world, but also what she calls "the Israeli military's sacred code." "The IDF's ethos is never to leave a soldier behind," she said. "But on August 28, 2014, Israel signed a ceasefire with Hamas without demanding Hadar's return. That broke something fundamental." Over the past decade, Leah Goldin has met with world leaders, lawmakers and military officials across the U.S. and Europe, seeking justice for her son and others like him. She points to U.N. Security Council Resolution 2474, passed in 2019, which obligates all parties to an armed conflict to return the remains of the dead as a humanitarian act and confidence-building measure. "This is international law," she said. "And yet Hadar is still in Gaza." Goldin credits the Trump administration for taking the issue seriously. "When the resolution passed in 2019, it was Trump's people — Jason Greenblatt, Nikki Haley — who led the way," she said. Today, Goldin sees a rare opportunity — a convergence of diplomatic efforts with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Gaza — to demand Hadar's return before any agreements are finalized. "Saudi Arabia has enormous leverage," she said. "They're leading the Islamic world. If they want normalization with Israel, then let them demand the return of Hadar and all of the hostages as a gesture of goodwill." She also praised Steve Witkoff, a Trump envoy on both Iran and Saudi issues, and urged him to connect the dots. "He's in charge of the deals. He knows the hostages matter. Don't say you'll finish the business and deal with the hostages later. That's immoral." Goldin says she has lost trust in the Israeli government, which she believes has repeatedly sidelined her son for political convenience. "It's the same people for 11 years, just in different chairs," she said. "They sign ceasefires, they release terrorists — but leave Hadar behind." Since Hamas' October 7 massacre, Leah and her family have taken on a new role: advising and supporting the families of current hostages through the Hostage and Missing Families Forum, a group they helped build in the days after the attack. "My son Tzur, who also served in special forces, said no family should go through this alone," she said. "So we organized — gave them our contacts, our tools, our lessons. But it's painful. Because we've seen this before. And we know how easy it is to be forgotten." She calls the ongoing hostage negotiations "a nightmare of selection," where some are prioritized and others left behind. "As a daughter of Holocaust survivors, this feels like moral collapse," she said. Goldin says she will not stop until Hadar — and all the hostages — come home. "Hadar is not just my son," she said. "He's a symbol now. And in every ceasefire, in every backroom deal, in every 'business as usual' moment — I want the world to remember his name."
Yahoo
5 minutes ago
- Yahoo
US Apparel Imports From China Fell to a 22-Year Low in May Amid Trade War Escalation
Clothing imports from China fell to a 22-year low in May and were down by more than half (52 percent) from the same period in 2024 amid escalating tariff tensions between Washington and Beijing that have since resulted in a patched-up trade truce. For the first time in decades, China's share of apparel imports into the U.S. market dropped below 10 percent. May saw the sourcing superpower account for just 9.9 percent of clothing imports—a precarious plummet from the year-ago period, when China represented 19.9 percent of all apparel brought into the American market. More from Sourcing Journal Trump Announces 30% Duties on EU, Mexico Trump Hits Canada With 35% Tariffs Too Much Space, Too Little Demand: China-US Freight Rates Keep Crashing The May trade insights, compiled by University of Delaware professor of fashion and apparel studies Dr. Sheng Lu using U.S. International Trade Commission (USITC) data, revealed that tariff rates on fashion products (especially steep duties on China-originating goods) ballooned beyond levels seen in the modern era. As a result of the Trump administration's reciprocal tariff regime, the average tariff rate for U.S. apparel imports grew to 23.8 percent in May, up several points from the already record-setting 20.8 percent seen in April (and substantially higher than the 13.9-percent average rate in May 2024, and even the 14.7-percent rate of January 2025, before the president's second term began). China predictably faced the brunt of that burden for several weeks after a tit-for-tat spate of escalating tariff threats between President Donald Trump and Chinese trade officials. On April 9, the president set a 145-percent duty rate on China-originating products—an unprecedented measure that was reversed on May 12 when U.S. cabinet officials traveled to Geneva to meet with their Chinese counterparts and broker a truce that brought down the duty rate on both sides significantly. The duty hike had the effect of driving down apparel imports from China significantly, but those that did enter the U.S. market during May faced tariff rates averaging at an unprecedented 69.1 percent, up from 55 percent the month prior, 37 percent in March and 22.1 percent in January. Lu calculated the applied tariff rate on apparel by dividing the duty rate by the value of imports. All told, while the overall value of apparel imports decreased 7 percent year over year, import duties grew by almost 60 percent during the same time frame. 'In May, I think the most of the [average apparel tariff] increase was because of China. And for the rest of the world, they were charged a 10-percent universal tariff rate. Some products, especially those from Asia, were able to enter [the country] in May before the new tariff rate hit,' Lu said. Across the board, all countries paid more duties on apparel in May than they did in previous months due to the universal baseline tariff. Vietnam's average apparel import duty rate reached 25.9 percent, up from 20.5 percent in April, while Bangladesh saw a similar percentage jump from 17.8 percent to 21.1 percent month over month. India's average clothing tariff rate climbed from 15.8 percent to 20.1 percent, while Cambodia's increased from 19.7 percent to 24.6 percent. There were winners to be found in May, however, and their growing import values correlated with manageable tariff rates. Mexico, for example, saw its average import duties paid on apparel products decrease from a negligible 2.2 percent in April to 1.4 percent in May—nearly the same rate it paid one year ago. But Mexico's apparel import values jumped considerably year over year, by 12.2 percent. The country's apparel imports are covered by the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), giving them duty-free access. However, the country still only accounted for 4.6 percent of U.S. apparel sourcing in May. The biggest players are still the Asian nations, many of which have received letters this week from the Trump administration regarding their new, double-digit tariff rates. They also faced threats against transshipment, or rerouting products from other countries with the goal of evading tariffs. Lu, like other experts, believes the reference may allude to the administration's intent to revisit of content requirements and Rules of Origin, as true transshipment of finished goods is already illegal. In his view, 'The signal is very clear—the Trump administration not only wants to decouple from China, but it wants Asian countries to decouple their supply chains from China.' But the Trump administration's long-held goal of encouraging Asian nations to abandon China as a partner 'does not appear to be realistic, at least in the near to medium term,' with so much dependence on the country for inputs, he said. For example, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) data from 2020 (the latest year for which insights are available) showed that about 55.4 percent of the value of Vietnam's textile and apparel gross exports contained content added from other countries—including 26.6 percent contributed by China. UNComtrade data was even more stark, showing that China accounted for 63.8 percent of the $16.6 billion in textile imports to Vietnam in 2023, a 'notable increase' from 37.4 percent in 2010. Like other developing countries with limited capabilities to manufacture certain fabrics and components, Vietnam still relies on imported raw materials. Meanwhile, the country represented the biggest apparel supplier to the U.S. in May, accounting for 21.7 percent of clothing imports. Limiting or discouraging access to the imported raw materials needed to produce apparel products could easily threaten Vietnam's stability as a sourcing base, Lu believes. The same is true for many of America's current top suppliers, which in May included Bangladesh (which accounted for 9.7 percent of U.S. apparel import market share), Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) countries (10.4 percent), India (8.2 percent), Indonesia (5.1 percent), Cambodia (5.2 percent) and U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) members (5.5 percent). As companies brace themselves for the impact of the incoming duties, they're caught between a rock and hard place. 'Even though the situation between China and the U.S. has stabilized, and there's a deal out there, companies still see sourcing from China as having huge risks,' Lu said. 'They want to source from more countries, but they remain mainly looking at Asian countries, because they need these sourcing designations to be ready to provide products immediately.' There are 'not too many options' in terms of mature sourcing markets with the capabilities and capacity to take on production at scale, aside from 'second-tier emerging sourcing destinations in Asia' that are tight with China and about to be hit with steep duties themselves. Lu believes that despite those conditions, companies will continue to move into sourcing locales like Vietnam and Bangladesh, with the hope that more beneficial trade terms might be reached. 'They are developing countries, they don't pose any national security threat toward the U.S., and they're not the focal point of Trump's trade policy,' Lu said. 'So there's a hope that some kind of deal can be reached before the August deadline.' Error while retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error while retrieving data Error while retrieving data Error while retrieving data Error while retrieving data
Yahoo
18 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Israel's midnight strategist: How IDF chief Eyal Zamir rewired the doctrine on Iran
The Magazine delves into the life and character of Eyal Zamir – featuring conversations with peers from his years in military positions, people close to his family, officers who served alongside him. When the 14-year-old Eyal Zamir entered the Military Command Boarding School in 1980, he knew that he wanted to have a military career. But as opposed to his peers, he wasn't aiming for the more elite commando units but rather to join the Armored Corps. Why? 'I was a young boy from Eilat who used to read a lot of books, and when I read about the Yom Kippur War I would always see that the Armored Corps – the tanks and whatnot – were saving the day,' Zamir likes telling those who ask him. 'I was the only one who wanted to go in that direction,' he laughs when he repeats this story in various occasions. Forty-five years later, and after he had already retired from IDF service as a major-general, he became the 24th chief of staff, receiving the military's highest rank, lieutenant-general. He was the man who was able to maneuver what seemed impossible: attack Israel's most vicious enemy, Iran, in the most ingenious way, which will be taught in military academies for decades to come. Few officers rise through the ranks of the Armored Corps to the very top, but Zamir did just that. A few factoids: He's the first Yemenite-descended citizen to hold the post, and the first tanker to lead the army in more than 40 years. Colleagues call him a 'soldier's soldier,' a nickname earned during four decades that took him from the resort city of Eilat to the general staff's 14th-floor war room in Tel Aviv. His appointment capped a career spent juggling front-line commands, deep strategic planning, and day-to-day political liaison work at the highest level. He's not your average IDF chief of staff. He didn't serve in elite combat units like the General Staff Reconnaissance Unit (Sayeret Matkal) like Ehud Barak or Shaul Mofaz did. But this may be one of the reasons that even though his predecessors spoke incessantly of the Iranian threat, just months after he entered his prestigious role he was able to convince the political administration, including the prime minister, to attack and that 'we're ready to do so in the best most possible way.' A month after Israel's impressive opening attack on Iranian military targets, the Magazine delves into the life and character of Eyal Zamir – featuring conversations with peers from his years in military positions, people close to his family, and officers who have served alongside him. One way to define Zamir's character is that he isn't arrogant. 'We are a nation that cherishes life, and to secure our future and our freedom, we know how to make hard decisions,' he said on the third day of the attack in Iran. But one statement differentiated him from all of his predecessors: 'The campaign is underway. Let us meet it with humility, unity, steadiness, and faith in the justice of our cause.' The hubris that once defined Israel's mostly elitist political and defense establishments in their entirety isn't something that Zamir adopted. On the contrary, he speaks of humility. Something deeply lacking in those responsible for Oct. 7 – those who, like him, have been part of the old-school military tactic in Gaza. He understands the failure. He's not looking for people to blame but has taken the responsibility on his shoulders. Zamir was born in January 1966 to Shlomo, whose family had immigrated from Yemen and fought in the pre-state Irgun, and Yaffa (née Abadi), whose parents were from Aleppo, Syria. The eldest of three children, Zamir grew up on Eilat's dusty outskirts, an upbringing friends say shaped his understated manner and desert-tough resilience. As a teenager, he won a coveted place at the IDF's Command Preparatory Boarding School in Tel Aviv, a program that grooms future field commanders. He later completed a BA in political science at Tel Aviv University, an MA in national security at the University of Haifa, and an executive management course at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. This résumé balances tank grease with ivory-tower theory. Drafted in 1984, Zamir chose tanks over the glamour of the air force, which many of his peers sought. He commanded a platoon in the 500th Armored Brigade, a company in the 460th Training Brigade, and by 1994, the 75th Battalion of the vaunted 7th Brigade. His rise continued as operations officer of the 162nd Division and later commander of the 7th Brigade itself – the IDF's historical spearhead on the Golan Heights. Two years leading the Gaash Division on the northern frontier followed, exposing him to the Hezbollah threat, which would preoccupy him later. Fellow officers describe a commander who 'listens more than he talks,' renowned for after-action reviews that run until every private understands yesterday's mistakes. An interesting and less discussed anecdote from his biography was that he went on to study for a year at the École militaire in Paris. He didn't speak a word of French but was expected to study with officers from around the world in this European language. 'For three to four months, he was just mumbling some gibberish version of what he thought was French,' a friend who went to school with him recounted. 'But he was somehow able to deliver a speech to his class at the end of the year about theories in combat,' the friend said. Zamir's blend of field grit and strategic polish propelled him in 2012 to the position of military secretary to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. For three years, he briefed the premier daily, translating battlefield jargon into political options during the tense run-up to Operation Protective Edge. Working with Netanyahu back then turned out to be quite significant: The prime minister doesn't trust most officials, and it is rare for him to have long-lasting relationships with defense officials. Zamir, however, being a humble, classic soldier who gets the job done, now has access to and the trust of the prime minister. After Oct. 7 was blamed on both Netanyahu and the defense establishment, previous chief of staff Herzi Halevi and Netanyahu disagreed profoundly on several major issues, and thus had a deep mistrust. Just recently, at the General Staff Forum at Tel Aviv's Kirya base, Zamir thanked Netanyahu and offered praise: 'Prime Minister, I thank you and the defense minister [Israel Katz] for our joint management and for understanding the magnitude of this moment,' he said. But here's where it becomes interesting: 'The way the political echelon and the military echelon rose together, in full synchronization, cooperation, and unity of purpose, from the lengthy preparation stage, through the decision-making processes, and on to the guidance you provided, represents, in my view, a masterpiece of strategic political leadership fused with military action. Much will be written about it, and it is, in this sense, an example of leadership,' Zamir said. Zamir knows how to speak 'Netanyahu lingo,' just like those who work with US President Donald Trump need to know 'Trump lingo.' Zamir praises Netanyahu and their work, also promoting what he thinks is important, with the understanding that the prime minister is the one calling the shots. In 2015, Zamir assumed control of the Southern Command, overseeing Gaza border defenses during the early tunnel wars and weekly fence riots. In December 2018, he was promoted to deputy chief of staff, where he co-authored the multi-year 'Momentum' plan, aimed at preparing the IDF for simultaneous wars in the North and the South. In 2022, when Zamir was a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, he wrote a comprehensive pamphlet dealing with various threats to Israeli and American security. In his chapter on the Houthis, he foresaw that despite their nearly 2,000 km. distance from Israel, Iran could exploit them as an additional proxy to attack the Jewish state, as well as to interfere with international shipping. Zamir had several recommendations for neutralizing or reducing the Houthi threat, such as disrupting Iranian weapons resupply to the Houthis by air and sea. He wrote that the impact of such a sustained campaign would take time but would eventually impact the Houthis' ability to project power and threaten parties beyond their borders, given that they have no land border with the Islamic Republic. In addition, Zamir dispensed with the unrealistic idea of regime change and ousting the Houthis completely from controlling Yemen, opting instead for splitting the country between the Shi'ite-Houthis in northern Yemen, including Sanaa, and the Sunni-internationally backed council in southern Yemen, including Aden. Through these moves, he suggested that the Houthis could eventually be removed from Iran's active list of destabilizing proxies. 'When Zamir wrote this paper on Iran and its proxies, the Houthis weren't on anyone's radar yet,' a senior military officer said. 'He met with heads of the intelligence units, who were shocked about what was then a revelation.' Zamir wrote that Tehran's support for its Houthi proxy could enable Iran to 'seize influence in yet another territory, expand its regional influence, open another front against its rivals, and threaten and deter them,' labeling Yemen 'an active front in the struggle' against Saudi Arabia – and, by extension, Israel. After hanging up his uniform temporarily in 2023, Zamir crossed Kaplan Street to serve as director-general of the Defense Ministry, signing multi-billion-shekel US-funded contracts for Iron Dome and long-range munitions. He headed the ministry, met with officials in the Biden White House every few months in Washington, headed the purchase of armor and military equipment, and created dialogue with defense officials worldwide. In this role, Zamir promoted his agenda of encouraging more and more production of ammunition and military technology in Israel, after a non-official arms embargo on Israel, other than the US and a few small Eastern European countries. He also facilitated the export of arms to Morocco and the United Arab Emirates. With many of these countries, and even their leaders, he had deep personal connections from his three-year period in the Prime Minister's Office the previous decade. Several individuals with close ties to Zamir noted that he has expertise regarding a number of Middle Eastern countries, where he has established deep personal relationships and a profound understanding of local culture. He has frequently visited those countries, which cannot be published due to their sensitivity. Strategically, Zamir argues that Israel can no longer afford 'small and smart' boutique forces. The Oct. 7 massacre convinced him that the country needs mass, mobility, and manufacturing independence. As chief of staff, he ordered the Manpower Directorate to issue enlistment notices to every 16.5-year-old haredi male, calling equal service 'a national imperative.' At the same time, he champions hi-tech warfare, artificial-intelligence targeting, autonomous drones, and rapid-fire precision artillery, believing that a larger IDF need not be a slower one. His 2007 essay in the IDF's journal Maarachot, which urged commanders to prefer arrests over airstrikes when civilians might be hit, still guides his thinking, but critics on the Right have muttered that it signals excessive restraint. Zamir's reply is that morality is not a handicap but 'a force multiplier that preserves Israel's legitimacy.' Unlike some of his predecessors, Zamir maintains an easy rapport with US counterparts. A 2022 Washington Institute for Near East Policy fellowship introduced him to Pentagon planners and Capitol Hill aides. Since taking command, he has relied on those contacts for expedited ammunition deliveries and coordinated strikes on Iranian targets. However, he also tells cadets that Israel must be able 'to fight a multi-front war alone if dawn breaks with no allies awake.' Off duty, Zamir is happiest on a Negev hiking trail with his wife and their German shepherd, or replaying historic tank battles on a battered chessboard in the family living room. Zamir lives in the Ramot Hashavim moshav, north of Hod Hasharon, with his wife, Orna, a former spokesperson and deputy director of the Hod Hasharon Municipality. The couple have three children, all of whom followed their father into service. Ori is a major and company commander in the Armored Corps, who earned a Chief of Staff Commendation; Roni is a reserve officer in the Golani Brigade's Operations Division, who has also been cited for excellence; and Itai, the youngest, is in high school. While studying at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and as a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Zamir moved to the US with his family. Sources close to the Zamir family say that period was very significant for him. 'He learned about American Jewry, something he wasn't aware of beforehand,' one source said. 'He was also very disturbed by the state of Jewish education.' Ironically, it was then-IDF chief Benny Gantz who paved the way for Zamir to become the IDF chief by sending him to serve as Netanyahu's military secretary in 2022. Zamir had never been involved in politics and was not drawn to the post; but Gantz pushed, so he accepted it. It is ironic because Gantz would later choose Herzi Halevi over Zamir as IDF chief, which left Halevi with the baggage of being the military chief on Oct. 7, and eventually meant that Zamir ascended to the post in time to lead the historic war against Iran. Despite not wanting the role initially, sources close to Zamir say it was an incredible position that gave him the opportunity to work with top officials, such as US secretary of state John Kerry, foreign minister Tzipi Livni, German chancellor Angela Merkel, Russian President Vladimir Putin, US President Donald Trump, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. During that time, Zamir tried to help Israeli efforts to torpedo US Gen. John Allen's plans for Israel to withdraw from the Jordan Valley, replacing troops on the ground with new technological sensors and protection. Following the Oct. 7 era, sources close to Zamir say Israel was very lucky that it succeeded in blocking the initiative to withdraw from the Jordan Valley. Operation Rising Lion, led by Zamir, was a huge success. About 200 Israeli aircraft dropped 330 precision munitions on more than 100 high-value sites, nuclear plants at Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan; IRGC command bunkers in Tehran; and missile factories at Yazd and Mashhad. In the course of 12 days, the air force struck 900 separate targets, killed at least 30 senior security officials and 11 nuclear scientists, and destroyed more than half of Iran's 400 ballistic-missile launchers, according to senior IDF briefings. By day three, Israeli jets had achieved 'full operational freedom' in Tehran's airspace after suppressing local air defenses, a milestone that spokesperson Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin called a 'political and military game-changer.' Iran answered with about 550 ballistic missiles and more than 1,000 explosive drones; IDF figures showed that its multilayer Arrow, David's Sling, Iron Dome, and US-deployed THAAD batteries intercepted 80% to 90% of missiles and 99.9% of drones. Six missiles slipped through, striking five IDF bases and, overall, killed 28 Israelis and wounded more than 3,000, the Health Ministry reported. Iranian sources cited 610 of their citizens dead and 4,800 wounded. Israeli planners hailed the campaign for resetting Iran's nuclear and missile timelines 'by years,' demonstrating the ability to project sustained air power 2,000 km. from home and to defend the civilian rear under unprecedented missile fire. Despite the IDF's game-changing war against Iran, there are still many critical questions about how Zamir will handle Israeli security concerns regarding Iran going forward. Sources close to him said that he hopes Trump will succeed in getting Tehran to sign on to a new nuclear deal that will limit its nuclear program much more strongly and longer than the 2015 deal. In the meantime, Israel, via the Mossad and the IDF, is still keeping a watchful eye over new Iranian nuclear developments; but other than Netanyahu's trip to Washington this week, it is unclear if Jerusalem has a defined policy on when it would use force again if Iran starts to rebuild its nuclear program. There are Israeli statements about using a similar mechanism of consulting with the US about Hezbollah rearmament violations and then striking and preventing those rearmaments, but Israel finished the war with Hezbollah in a much more powerful position than it was relative to the ceasefire with Iran, even as it struck the Islamic Republic very hard. Likewise, sources close to Zamir indicated that there is not yet a set number of new ballistic missiles, which, if Iran produced in the future, would definitely lead Israel to act again against that separate threat. Rather, Zamir again hopes that Trump will convince Iran to agree to a broader deal that places limits not only on the nuclear program but also on the volume and range of future ballistic missile production by Iran. For example, if Iran continued to produce a large number of ballistic missiles with a range below 1,300 km., given that Israel is at closest 1,500 km. away, such missiles might not be viewed as threatening to the same degree. But what if the Islamic Republic does not agree to a new deal, or the deal includes only nuclear issues and not ballistic missile issues? This is an equally likely scenario, given that Trump's statements have almost all focused on the nuclear threat. In that case, Zamir is not necessarily ready to commit that Israel would definitely attack if Iran 'merely' rebuilt its old ballistic missile arsenal back from its current 500-1,000 level to its pre-war 2,500 level. That does not mean that Israel might not attack the arsenal again even earlier than the 2,500 missile inventory point if Iran tries to rebuild its arsenal. But it means that, unlike with Hezbollah, where the air force has a free hand to strike any rearmament attempts, with Iran the evaluation and process of deciding if and when to attack will be more complex and dynamic, and it might require deeper consultation with Washington. As of the start of July, sources close to Zamir said that the three- to four-month primary operations he has pushed forward in Gaza are nearing a tipping point. Zamir's operation has led to the IDF taking over 75% of the territory, boxing in Hamas to a few contained areas in Gaza City, central Gaza, and the al-Mawasi humanitarian zone. This had broken Hamas's political control over sizable amounts of the population in the southern Gaza areas of Khan Yunis, Rafah, and parts north of Gaza City. It has also broken Hamas's monopoly and control over food distribution, at least in those areas. And yet, Zamir recognizes that Hamas, while on life support, is still far from completely defeated or disarmed. At the start of July, his view was that in the next two to three weeks there would be a new deal with Hamas returning additional hostages in exchange for a ceasefire or possibly even an end to the war, or the government would need to give the order to widen the operation for the military to take over the remaining 25% of Gaza. But these areas are exactly where the hostages are being held, such that Zamir believes that taking them over could elevate the risk to their lives, which is why he would advise cutting a deal at this point. Given the additional leverage he has seized for the government, which has already gotten Hamas to be somewhat more flexible in aspects of hostage negotiations and regarding terms for governing Gaza post-war, he believes it is time for the government to cut a deal, even if it is imperfect. Three out of five Hamas brigades that had started to try to reconstitute themselves during the January-March ceasefire were taken apart again by Zamir's operation, and the remaining two are still shadows of what they were pre-war. Given how much weaker Hamas is now not only militarily but also politically following its loss of control of land and food distribution in large portions of Gaza, sources close to Zamir stated that he believes that ending the war now to get hostages back sufficiently achieves the war's twin goals of retrieving the hostages and degrading Hamas's capability to pose a future threat to Israel. Regarding the West Bank, Zamir is plagued by several recent events, where gangs of up to 70 Jewish extremists have attacked Palestinians and soldiers alike. He wants to give Col. (res.) Avichai Tenami (the special project manager to handle the issue of 'hilltop youth') time, resources, and personnel to try to improve the situation with some of these Jewish extremists by using dialogue and a more social welfare approach toward bringing them back onto more normal and nonviolent tracks, said sources close to him. However, he, like every other senior official in the IDF, is extremely frustrated with the small number of police arrests and convictions of those extremists who have perpetrated violence against Palestinians and against the IDF, as opposed to those who have just protested government policies that they deem are not right-wing enough. However, given his surrender to the idea that Defense Minister Israel Katz will not reverse himself on the issue and that Zamir is not willing to wage a public fight over it, he is at least hopeful that Tenami can make some progress through dialogue. Historians would surely debate the operational fine points, but one verdict already seemed secure: Zamir had restored deterrence by pairing humility with audacity. He left Iran's nuclear timetable in tatters and demonstrated that Armored Corps discipline could thrive alongside 21st-century precision. Future chiefs poring over his campaign would, no doubt, pause over the maxims he drilled into every graduating class of cadets: 'We acted before it was too late because security delayed becomes insecurity multiplied.' Just as often, he reminded field commanders: 'Protect the civilians, and you protect the country; that is the heart of every operation.' When asked how Israel should prepare for tomorrow's threats, his answer was always the same: 'When dawn breaks, Israel must be ready to fight alone and still prevail.'
