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News18
an hour ago
- News18
Ram To Kali, Veg To Mutton: With Samik As Boss, BJP Gets Belated Image Makeover In Bengal
Last Updated: With the assembly election results due in May 2026, there is limited time for BJP's cadres and leaders to capitalise on these changes It was late March 2021, and the West Bengal election campaign was at its peak as the summer in rural parts became unbearable. In the Lalgarh area of Jhargram district, once a Maoist stronghold, the Bharatiya Janata Party held an election rally. Locals, mostly from the Santhal community, gathered to listen in the sweltering afternoon when the star speaker, Uttar Pradesh deputy chief minister Keshav Prasad Maurya, arrived and delivered his nearly 30-minute speech, ending with ' Jai Shri Ram '. There was hardly any applause. The lack of response wasn't due to dislike for Maurya, but because the Santhals of Bengal barely understand Bengali, let alone Hindi—a simple fact the BJP local leadership overlooked. Many BJP national leaders in Bengal in 2021 failed to make an impact. For years, it was evident, but very few Bengal BJP leaders had the courage to tell the party's central leadership that they were seen as outsiders. While this perception is largely due to the ruling Trinamool Congress's well-planned narrative curated by poll strategists I-PAC, part of the blame lies with the BJP. After their loss, BJP leaders began speaking openly, with some turning rebel within party forums. Four years later, with less than a year until the next assembly election, the BJP seems to have recognised the merit in those arguments and has recalibrated to align itself with Bengali ethos and culture. Urban Bhadralok and 'Jai Ma Kali' The choice of the BJP's new state president suggests the party now wants urban votes it previously claimed not to need. Unlike Sukanta Majumdar from Balurghat in South Dinajpur and Suvendu Adhikari from Nandigram in East Medinipur, Samik Bhattacharya is a resident of Salt Lake City near Kolkata. Suave, proficient in English and Hindi, and with an excellent command of Bengali, Bhattacharya prefers shirts and trousers over kurta and pajama, making him relatable to middle-class Bengalis. In 2021, the TMC dominated Greater Kolkata and did well in urban areas with over 50% vote share. With a Bengali 'bhadralok" as party boss, the BJP sought to remake its image into a Bengali party. Over the last ten years, Lord Ram has stormed Bengal's socio-political milieu with 'Jai Shri Ram". Though Lord Ram is familiar to Bengal, he was never introduced as a political tool, depicted more like a Bengali man in granny stories. While VHP, Bajrang Dal, and BJP heavily promoted Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti, Bengal has always been about Goddess Kali and Jagannath Mahaprabhu. 'Jai Ma Kali" is not a slogan but a personal utterance. The BJP seems to have understood this. During the handover ceremony, Syama Prasad Mookerjee's photo was on one side, PM Modi's photo was on the other, and between them was a grand elevated photo of Goddess Kali. When in Rome, do as the Romans do. West Bengal's co-incharge Amit Malviya's statement that his party will 'reclaim Bengal's true identity" and allegations that 'TMC is attempting to Urdu-fy Bengal" clearly indicate that BJP is fighting not just elections but for 'the soul of Bengal". In the days to come, we will reclaim Bengal's true identity, rooted in Maa Kali, Maa Durga, Devi Chandi, Mahaprabhu Chaitanya, and the fearless spirit of Banga BJP is the only pro-Bengali party born in Bengal. Others are either political imports or dynastic offshoots… — Amit Malviya (@amitmalviya) July 4, 2025 What's veg? 98% eat non-veg here Lastly, there has been a shift towards non-vegetarianism in the West Bengal BJP with Samik Bhattacharya's accession. On the day Ravi Shankar Prasad officially announced him as West Bengal's next BJP president, the media crew was offered pulao and mutton curry, say sources. However, for the 5,000 BJP cadres and leaders, the menu was a simple vegetarian meal—rice, dal, and vegetables. This is significant since the TMC portrays the BJP as a 'vegetarian party" and suggests electing it would mean giving up fish, a staple in Bengali households. This April, after a purported video of saffron-clad men forcing fish shop owners near a temple in Delhi's CR Park to shut their establishments was played out in Bengal, TMC MP Mahua Moitra shared the clip on her X handle and questioned if the BJP would dictate what to eat and where to have legal shops. BJP's Bishnupur (West Bengal) MP Saumitra Khan clarified that the three individuals threatening fish shop owners were not BJP members, but the damage was done in West Bengal. Though the BJP in West Bengal has organised meals with chicken for a few years, Bengali mutton is considered the quintessential meat. Samik Bhattacharya's era seems to have embraced this as well. Is it enough? While the recent changes were overdue, earlier implementation could have given the party a chance to yield political benefits. With the assembly election results due in May 2026, there is limited time for BJP's cadres and leaders to capitalise on these changes. Despite many leaders personally being non-vegetarian, BJP cadres and leaders shying away from publicly eating non-veg meals at large events during Samik Bhattacharya's accession reaffirms TMC's narrative that the saffron party will stop Bengalis from eating fish if it comes to power. In Tripura, Sunil Deodhar learnt Kokborok and publicly ate fish to resonate with the state's population, leading to the BJP's sweep five years later. A senior BJP leader like Malviya discussing Anushilan Samiti implies the party will campaign on Bengal and Bengali Pride using icons like Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Satish Chandra Basu, Bipin Chandra Pal, and Rabindranath Tagore, whose sense of nationalism aligns with BJP's and may help it establish a Bengali identity. But will the voters of West Bengal be convinced? We will have to wait until May 2026. About the Author Anindya Banerjee Anindya Banerjee, Associate Editor brings over fifteen years of journalistic courage to the forefront. With a keen focus on politics and policy, Anindya has garnered a wealth of experience, with deep throat in ...Read More First Published:
Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
Thackeray brothers Uddhav and Raj unite for Marathi pride for first time in 20 years. Will Sharad Pawar join?
The estranged Thackeray brothers—Uddhav and Raj—are set to unite for the first time in 20 years in Mumbai on Saturday. They will share a stage to celebrate 'victory' against the Maharashtra government's move to 'impose' three-language policy in primary schools.. Uddhav Thackeray' Shiv Sena (UBT) and Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) are known to aggressively push the cause of Marathi identity and language. The last time the two cousins shared the stage was during the election campaign of Malvan Assembly bypoll in 2005 after former chief minister Narayan Rane had quit the undivided Shiv Sena, news agency PTI reported. Raj Thackeray quit the undivided Shiv Sena shortly in the same year and floated the MNS in 2006. The Shiv Sena (UBT) and the MNS have jointly organised the "victory" gathering at the NSCI Dome in central Mumbai's Worli, which also happens to be in the assembly constituency of Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray. The two parties urged other political outfits who have protested against making Hindi "compulsory" in primary schools, and also people from the field of literature, art to participate in the gathering. The BJP-led Mahayuti government had issued a GR (government order) on April 16, making Hindi a compulsory third language for students in Classes 1 to 5 studying in English and Marathi medium schools. After a backlash, the government issued an amended GR on June 17, making Hindi an optional language. The move was criticised by the Opposition parties — Shiv Sena (UBT), MNS, and NCP (SP) — which dubbed it the "imposition" of Hindi on Maharashtra. The Sena UBT and MNS leaders' burnt copies of the GR and planned a "mega" protest march on July 5. On June 29, as the chorus against the introduction of the Hindi language in Maharashtra schools from Classes 1 to 5 grew, the state cabinet withdrew the two GRs on the implementation of the three-language policy. Uddhav and Raj had then said the government blinked after witnessing the unity of Maharashtrians and did not want them to come together. Claiming victory, both decided to hold a victory celebration on the same day. The victory celebration is also being held at a time when MNS activists were caught on camera allegedly assaulting a footstall owner for not speaking in Marathi, while two persons were made to apologise to a man in the presence of Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Rajan Vichare for allegedly assaulting him. Although both Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS have decided not to use any party's flag, banners, poll symbol, hoardings and scarf during the event, the political messaging is evident at a time when they are witnessing diminishing electoral influence after their dismal performance in the 2024 Maharashtra Assembly Election. The Shiv Sena (UBT) had won 20 assembly seats, while the MNS drew a blank. After the poll debacle, Uddhav and Raj Thckeray are coming together on one stage just ahead of the local body polls, including the cash rich Mumbai civic corporation. NCP (SP) president Sharad Pawar, who is allied with the Congress and the Sena (UBT) under the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) banner in Maharashtra, said that he will not attend the event due to prior commitments. Speaking to PTI on Friday, NCP (SP) working president and Baramati MP Supriya Sule said Pawar will be in Pune on Saturday. Sule said she and MLA Jitendra Awhad will take part. The opposition stalwart had earlier told reporters he has events scheduled in Pune and would, therefore, not attend the Worli event. "Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Bala Nandgaonkar called me and invited me to the rally," state NCP (SP) chief Jayant Patil told PTI. Meanwhile, the Congress, an ally of the Sena (UBT), will not be a part of the victory celebration, state Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal said. He, however, maintained his party supports the protest against making Hindi "mandatory" for students of Classes 1-5. (With inputs from agencies)
Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
Poetry and politics, in love and war
Representative image Faiz's work endures because its core is humanism A heartbroken teenager, a lecturer in English who was drawn to Marxism, a pioneer of subcontinent's political poetry, a supporter of Iran's Islamic Revolution but not an Islamist, and finally self-exiled in Beirut after General Zia executed Bhutto, Faiz always said it was the early years that shaped the poet in him. Aur bhi dukh hain zamane mein mohabbat ke siva, rahaten aur bhi hain vasl ki rahat ke siva, mujh se pahli si mohabbat mere mehboob na maang (The world has other problems…other comforts than a lover's embrace. So, my love, don't ask I love you like I once did). That's Faiz marrying romance and politics. In 1932, Angarey (Fire), an anthology of mostly feminist short stories, was banned but inspired the Progressive Writers Association, of which Faiz was an integral part. He left the army in 1947 to edit the left-leaning The Pakistan Times, disillusioned by Partition's communal violence – Ye daagh daagh ujala ye shab-gazida sahar, vo intizaar tha jis ka ye vo sahar to nahin (This light stained by darkness is like dawn tainted by dusk. This isn't the dawn we awaited). Arrested in 1951 for the conspiracy to overthrow Pakistan's Liaquat Ali government, he published two books from jail, Dast-e Saba and Zindan Nama. He never gave up on hope: Qafas udaas hai yaaro saba se kuchh to kaho. Kahin to bahr-e-khuda aaj zikr-e-yaar chale (The cage is sad and silent. Say something to the breeze. For god's sake, let's talk about my beloved). On release four years on, he found Pakistan had distanced itself from the Soviets, his inspiration, and aligned with America, which he despised. In 1974 Bangladesh, at Mujibur Rahman's request, he composed, Ham ki thahre ajnabi itni mudaraton ke baad. Phir banenge ashna kitni mulaqaton ke baad (Despite the hospitality, we remain strangers, and who knows how many meetings it will take to become friends again). Once Zia arrested Bhutto, Faiz self-exiled to Beirut as editor of Lotus – a magazine to promote non-Eurocentric Asian and African writing. But Faiz felt uprooted, longing for his people: Mere dil, mere musafir, hua phir se hukm sadir, ki vatan-badar hon hum tum (My heart, my traveller, the order is issued again, we are exiled again). His most popular work, Hum Dekhenge, is a poem of dissent. Some find it anti-Hinduism – it's just as anti-Islam. Inspired by Iran's Islamic revolution, sourced from Quran's Surah al-Waqi'ah – the inevitability of Qayamat (doomsday) – experts are still divided over Hum Dekhenge's message. A literal translation of key lines: 'Idols would be removed from the Kaaba to establish Allah's rule.' But these could also mean: 'Every idol – false gods and tyrants – will be removed from the house of God that is earth.' Faiz was no Islamist but simply charmed by the people's fight to depose the Shah. The poem's climax, Utthega anal haq ka nara, jo mai bhi hu or tum bhi ho. Bus raj karegi khalke khuda jo mai bhi hu or tum bhi ho. Anal haq means 'I am the truth.' In Semitic religions, Islam, Judaism and Christianity, there's strict duality between God and his creation. In contrast, the Sufi anal haq resonates with Advait concept of aham brahmasmi or 'I am one with God'. The poem's message then is that humans are the ultimate truth – divinity is within humanity, hence the divine right to self-rule.
