Supreme Court seeks government response on heat wave deaths amid climate crisis
A Bench headed by Chief Justice of India B.R. Gavai took cognisance of the petition filed by environmentalist Vikrant Tongad, represented by advocate Akash Vashishtha, who sought judicial intervention to uphold citizens' fundamental rights under Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution by ensuring living conditions free from the adverse impacts of heat waves, heat stress, and climate change.
The petition pointed out that despite the National Guidelines for Preparation of Action Plan – Prevention and Management of Heat Wave, 2019, issued by the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), many States and Union Territories have yet to implement the mandated Heat Action Plans.
It also referred to the Centre's statutory responsibilities under Section 35 of the Disaster Management Act, 2005, which requires the government to take appropriate measures for disaster management. Additionally, Section 3 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 obliges the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change to act decisively to protect and improve environmental quality.
The petition further invoked the Supreme Court's own ruling in the M.K. Ranjitsinh case, which affirmed the right of citizens to live free from the adverse effects of climate change.
The Bench granted the government two weeks to file its response.
Advocate Vashishtha informed the court that over 700 deaths were reported in 2024 due to heat waves and related heat stress. He highlighted scientific predictions warning that heat stress is expected to intensify.
'Earlier, heat waves were predominant in three regions, including Northwest and Central India, but now they have spread to East Coast, East, North-East, Peninsular, Southern and South-Central regions and so has been stated by an India Meteorological Department report itself,' Mr. Vashishtha submitted.
The petition also cited the 2023 Climate Change Synthesis Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), a United Nations body tasked with assessing climate science, which warned that heat waves, as a consequence of climate change, are likely to increase, leading to greater mortality and morbidity and severely impacting food and water security for vulnerable communities and regions.
'Heat waves have a tremendous destructive impact on human health and biological life, agriculture, food security, groundwater and surface water, forests, natural resources, livelihoods and have a profound bearing on the national economy,' the petition argued.
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First Post
31 minutes ago
- First Post
Why is Bihar electoral roll being revised? What's the uproar over it?
The Supreme Court will on Thursday hear a batch of petitions challenging the Election Commission's order to conduct a Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in poll-bound Bihar. The poll body's decision is facing flak, with the opposition questioning the timing of the exercise and raising concerns that it will disenfranchise numerous voters read more The EC has announced a Special Intensive Revision of the electoral rolls in Bihar. X/@CEOBihar The Election Commission of India's (ECI) decision to conduct a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in Bihar just months ahead of the Assembly elections in the state has come under scrutiny. The opposition has raised objections to the exercise, while the poll body has defended the move. The Supreme Court has now decided to hear a bunch of petitions challenging the EC's revision of electoral rolls in poll-bound Bihar. The apex court has, however, not paused the exercise so far. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Let's take a closer look. EC's power to prepare electoral rolls Article 324(1) of the Constitution empowers the Election Commission with the 'superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of' elections to Parliament and state legislatures. The electoral rolls are prepared by the EC as per the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 (RP Act). Section 21(3) of the RP Act states that the ECI 'may at any time… direct a special revision of the electoral roll for any constituency or part of a constituency in such manner as it may think fit'. According to the Registration of Electors' Rules, 1960, the revision of electoral rolls can be carried out 'either intensively or summarily or partly intensively and partly summarily, as the [ECI] may direct'. A fresh electoral roll is drawn up in an intensive revision, while the roll is amended in a summary revision. EC's reasons for intensive revision of voter lists in Bihar On June 24, the Election Commission announced a 'special intensive revision' of the electoral roll in poll-bound Bihar. It asked all existing voters who were not on the electoral rolls in 2003 to provide documentation proving their eligibility by July 26. Justifying its order, the poll body said that 'during the last 20 years significant change in electoral roll has taken place due to additions and deletions on a large scale', and 'rapid urbanisation and frequent migration of population from one place to another… have become a regular trend'. Voters who migrate often 'register themselves at another place without getting their names deleted from the electoral roll of the initial place of residence', which raises the chances of 'repeated entries' in the rolls. The order added that 'thus the situation warrants an intensive verification drive to verify each person before enrolment as an elector.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The EC also cited its constitutional obligation to ensure non-citizens are not enrolled in the electoral roll. It further said it will conduct a special intensive revision for the entire country. Documents for Bihar voter list revision cause chaos Electors in Bihar whose names are not recorded in the 2003 electoral rolls — an estimated 2.93 crore voters — have been asked by the EC to submit at least one of 11 documents establishing their date and place of birth for themselves and their parents, along with an enumeration form. The accepted documents to establish proof of citizenship are a passport, birth certificate, SC/ST certificate, matriculation or educational certificate issued by recognised boards/universities, permanent residence certificate, family register, forest right certificate and land/house allotment certificate by the government. The EC has excluded Aadhaar and PAN as acceptable documents for the exercise. It said that 'Aadhaar is meant for identity of the person, it is not a valid document for the address proof or date of birth.' Since the EC's order last month, the Block Level Officers (BLOs) have been visiting households with existing voters to get pre-filled forms signed and collect additional documents if needed. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Electors whose enumeration forms are not submitted by July 25 will be removed from the voter list. They can contest their deletion from rolls from August 1 to September 1. The draft electoral rolls, which will be released on August 1, will have the names of people whose enumeration forms have been received. The final draft of the voter list will be published in September. As per the Indian Express report, the EC's move has created confusion on the ground, raising fears the exercise will hit the poor and marginalised the most. It has spread unease among different sections of the voters, including upper castes, Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) and minorities. '(A domicile certificate is) one of the easiest documents to obtain from the Election Commission's list of 11. There is a large number of upper caste people in the queue here… this unnecessary revision is hurting everyone,' Vibhakar Jha, son of Saurath panchayat mukhiya Kamini Devi in Bihar's Madhubani, told the newspaper. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Voters have also questioned the exclusion of Aadhaar among the eligible documents. 'If Aadhaar, PAN, MNREGS cards don't count among the 11 documents the EC wants for enrolment, why were they issued in the first place,' Mohammed Afsar Ali, a daily wager in Purnia's Dhamdaha, asked. Political row over Bihar electoral roll revision The opposition parties, especially in Bihar, have raised concerns about the EC's exercise, questioning its timing and transparency. Rashtriya Janata Dal's (RJD) Tejashwi Yadav, who is also the Leader of the Opposition in the Bihar Assembly, called the revision of electoral polls in the state ahead of Assembly elections a 'conspiracy'. 'The last time the routine process of revision of voter list was done was 2003… it has not happened since. And when it happened in 2003, it took about two years to complete,' he said. Yadav added, 'Now elections are to be held in November. Two months are left before the notification process begins. That means the Election Commission has to make a new list… of 8 crore people… in just 25 days. And that too when 73 per cent of the state is affected by floods!' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Congress said that the poll body's announcement was a 'clear and explicit admission… that all is not well with India's electoral rolls'. It said in a statement that the electoral roll revision carried the risk of 'willful exclusion' of voters using state machinery. 'Lakhs of Union and state government officials will now control and dictate who has correct documents and who doesn't, who gets to vote in the upcoming Bihar elections etc. This carries a huge risk of willful exclusion of voters using the power of the state machinery,' the party's committee tasked with monitoring elections said. The opposition has expressed concerns that the exercise can potentially disenfranchise electors. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee called the EC's move 'more dangerous than NRC [National Register of Citizens]', alleging that her state, which will go to polls next year, was the real 'target'. Amid uncertainty and backlash, Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar said Sunday (July 6) that the poll panel had 'invited all recognised political parties for interaction' on the matter and 'no one was satisfied with the current status of electoral rolls for one reason or the other'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Election Commission also said that the exercise was being organised as per its June 24 order and 'there is no change in the instructions'. The poll panel's clarification came after an advertisement in local newspapers by the office of the Bihar Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) telling voters that they can submit their enumeration forms now and provide the required documents later. 'After publication of draft Electoral Rolls [on August 1], if any document is deficient, EROs (Electoral Registration Officers) can obtain such documents, from the electors whose name appears in the draft Electoral Rolls, during scrutiny in the Claims and Objection period,' the EC clarified. Supreme Court to hear matter Several petitioners including Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) MP Manoj Jha, Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra, poll watchdog Association for Democratic Reforms, rights body People's Union for Civil Liberties, activist Yogendra Yadav and former MLA Mujahid Alam have moved the Supreme Court against the revision of voter lists ahead of Bihar Assembly elections. Just filed writ petition in Supreme Court challenging @ECISVEEP notification to conduct SIR in Bihar & seeking a stay on conducting the same in other states including Bengal — Mahua Moitra (@MahuaMoitra) July 5, 2025 STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Supreme Court on Monday (July 7) agreed to hear the batch of petitions against the EC's order on Thursday. Meanwhile, the poll body has indicated that it is currently not considering extending the deadline for the SIR of electoral rolls in Bihar. 'More than 1/5th of enumeration forms have come back within two days. At this rate, we might complete the exercise before time, so extension of deadline is not a question at the moment," a top ECI official told CNN-News18. With inputs from agencies
India Today
32 minutes ago
- India Today
Should India rethink ‘secular, socialism'? Why RSS prompt won't get BJP moving
It began not in Parliament nor in the heat of an election rally but at a commemorative event in Nagpur. On June 25, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) celebrated 50 years since the proclamation of the Emergency by the Indira Gandhi government in audience comprised swayamsevaks, writers, retired bureaucrats and cultural thinkers. RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale took the stage and delivered a sharp reminder of what he called 'the distortions inflicted upon India's constitutional soul' during those 21 months of suspended came Hosabale's strike: 'The words 'socialist' and 'secular' were never part of the Constitution adopted by Dr B.R. Ambedkar and the Constituent Assembly. They were inserted during the Emergency—when civil liberties were crushed. Shouldn't we now debate whether these terms still reflect the true ethos of the nation?'Some political analysts believe socialism was inserted to back Indira's efforts to cement her approval among the masses on the basis of a socialist and pro-poor image, with slogans such as 'garibi hatao' (eradicate poverty). Her government at the time of the Emergency apparently inserted the word in the Preamble of the Constitution to underline that socialism was a goal and philosophy of the Indian state. The Sangh has since nurtured the grouse that Indira's socialism was closer to what was practised in the former Soviet Union or China of the time, and had envisaged the nationalisation of all of India's means of production. This is completely in opposition to the Sangh's ideas and economic didn't make an offhand remark. In the Sangh Parivar, few public interventions are accidental. The occasion—an Emergency remembrance event—was steeped in ideological symbolism. The venue (Nagpur) is the intellectual nerve-centre of the RSS. And the political context was no less significant: the BJP in power for a third consecutive term under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, albeit with fewer seats and greater coalition 2024 Lok Sabha poll campaign had seen an uncharacteristic restraint from the RSS. But now, a year into the government being in place, the Sangh decided to gain control of the narrative along with setting a trajectory for the government as well as the organisation. Its chosen target? The very words Indira had inserted into the Preamble via the 42nd Constitutional Amendment in followed—measured, but pointed. Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan said at a university convocation in Bhubaneswar a few days later. 'What Hosabale-ji said is historically correct. 'Socialist' and 'secular' were introduced during the Emergency, without full democratic debate. It's worth revisiting in today's context.'In Bhopal, Union agriculture minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan argued: 'India has always been secular in spirit—these labels were unnecessary. Our civilisational culture is far more inclusive than these terms can capture.'advertisementBut the government offered no response. No constitutional amendment was proposed. No debate will be initiated in Parliament. The BJP's strategic instinct was restraint. The RSS had floated the idea. The BJP made no move to act on isn't new. The present-day BJP has moved beyond several of the socialist leaders to expand into different geographies and demographies. This helped rid the party some of its untouchability while making it skillful in alliances with socialist parties. The collapse of the Janata Dal meant several of its constituents joining the BJP over the years, aiding the party's expansion in Karnataka, Gujarat, Haryana and Bihar, and a bounce-back in Uttar BJP's relationship with the word 'socialism' has always been fraught. When the party was formed in April 1980 in Delhi, it was born from the wreckage of the Janata experiment. Its leaders—Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L.K. Advani and Nanaji Deshmukh—chose to name it the Bharatiya Janata Party, not the revived Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Seeking to appeal to a broader middle-class constituency and mindful of India's post-Emergency mood, they adopted 'Gandhian Socialism' as the party's guiding philosophy. Jayaprakash Narayan's portrait was placed beside those of Jana Sangh founders Deendayal Upadhyaya and Syama Prasad the term never sat easy. Rajmata Vijaya Raje Scindia and many RSS swayamsevaks were openly critical. For them, even Gandhian Socialism smacked of ideological compromise. In the RSS's intellectual tradition, 'socialism' was seen as a Western import, inimical to India's civilisational values of dharma, decentralization and family-centric BJP's 1984 electoral disaster—just two Lok Sabha seats—prompted a rethink. Gandhian Socialism was dropped from party literature. The BJP began to articulate its vision through the lens of 'Integral Humanism' and 'Anatodayaya', the philosophical framework propounded by Upadhyaya in the Sangh pracharak, Dattopant Thengadi, deepened this narrative. In his book Third Way, he laid out a sweeping rejection of both capitalism and socialism, arguing for a uniquely Indian path grounded in spiritual economics and self-reliant communities. This language suited the Sangh: it was civilisational, not class-based; moral, not Minister Narendra Modi's rise to power enabled the BJP to recast this discourse in a modern, managerial idiom. The phrase 'Garib Kalyan' replaced the older frameworks of socialism. Massive welfare schemes, such as Ujjwala, Ayushman Bharat and Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, were implemented using digital governance tools. Benefits were targeted via the 'JAM' trinity: Jan Dhan accounts, Aadhaar authentication and Mobile connectivity. Redistribution took place, but it was framed not as class war but empowerment. Modi's model promised dignity through genius of this political project was in divorcing the mechanics of redistribution from the vocabulary of socialism. 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas' became a rallying cry that carried moral force without ideological baggage. It reached Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs and the aspirational middle classes simultaneously, without needing to cite Jawaharlal Nehru or Karl the BJP's revision, socialism doesn't talk of 'class struggle', as done by the Marxists. That stands the party out in the present-day debate on the caste census. Caste-focused parties, such as the Janata Dal (United), Rashtriya Janata Dal and Samajwadi Party, and now even the Congress, talk of 'jiski jitni aabadi utna haq' (quota rights as per population) while demanding reservation and a caste census. On the other hand, the BJP is propounding taking everyone along—in effect, rendering socialism obsolete in both policy and is why the RSS is now asking the obvious question: if the BJP has long abandoned socialism in practice, why preserve its ghost in the Preamble? Why let a word inserted during a constitutional 'dark age' remain enshrined in the foundational text of the Indian republic? From the Sangh's point of view, this isn't just a semantic matter. It's about reclaiming the Constitution from what it sees as ideological distortions imposed during a time of political for the BJP, the calculus is different. Deleting 'socialist' or 'secular' from the Preamble would require a constitutional amendment—one that could provoke fierce opposition and judicial scrutiny. The Supreme Court has repeatedly upheld the 'basic structure' doctrine and often relied on the Preamble's socialist character to buttress rulings on affirmative action, labour rights and environmental protection. Any attempt to alter that language could ignite a legal also the political cost. For many voters—especially the rural poor, SC/ST communities and OBCs—the idea of socialism is not about Marxist theory but government support: subsidies, pensions, quotas, welfare. These voters may trust Modi more than the Congress but still expect the State to deliver economic justice. Striking out 'socialist' from the Constitution could alarm these segments just as the BJP tries to deepen its social base beyond the urban middle class and upper the BJP's strategic silence. Let the RSS test the waters. Let sympathetic ministers issue cryptic nods. But don't commit. Don't legislate. Don't provoke the conversation has begun. Hosabale's words may not become policy in this Parliament or even the next. But they represent an ideological challenge to the Nehruvian consensus, still embedded in the constitutional framework. And in the world of the Sangh Parivar, such challenges rarely fade away. They wait and return. Sometimes, they even rewrite the script of the to India Today Magazine- EndsTune InMust Watch
News18
an hour ago
- News18
'Volunteers Bridging Divides': RSS Reports 'Positive Progress' In Manipur Conflict Zones
Last Updated: Although notable positive developments have been observed in Manipur, the RSS, at a press conference today, noted that achieving complete normalcy will require more time. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) leaders Sunil Ambekar and Anil Agarwal held a joint press conference on Monday, touching upon various significant issues. The RSS said that with their workers on ground in Manipur, positive developments were taking place in the state. 'RSS volunteers are actively working to restore peace and foster dialogue among the Meitei and other communities affected by the conflict," said Ambekar, RSS's Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh. Although notable positive developments have been observed, the leaders noted that achieving complete normalcy will require more time. The RSS is implementing inclusive outreach initiatives aimed at engaging diverse sections of society. People from border areas have actively participated in these programmes, reflecting growing trust and a widening social connection, the two RSS pracharaks said. On the topic of the socialist and secular words in the Constitution, the RSS recalled the Emergency period as a time of severe political repression and constitutional violations. 'Democratic values were suspended, and amendments were made without a genuine public mandate," Ambekar said. The leaders urged future generations to study this dark chapter to understand the fragility of democracy when 'power is unchecked". Language Row And Attacks By Congress Regarding the language row, Sunil Ambekar stated that the RSS has always considered all Indian languages as national languages. He asserted that people should speak the language prevalent in their region, and primary education should be imparted in that language. Discussing attacks from the Congress, the leaders mentioned that attempts to impose a ban on the RSS were met with public outrage or legal pressure, which led to the rollback, as the ban lacked legitimacy from the outset. Under the Panch Parivartan framework, the RSS aims for comprehensive national transformation focusing on five key areas: advancing economic self-reliance, promoting individual well-being, nurturing values-based living, strengthening social welfare, and ensuring inclusive economic growth. The core focus of the RSS Centenary Year is to expand its outreach on a massive scale, ensuring a connection with every stratum of society and fostering inclusivity and national integration. On intellectual engagement at the district level, the RSS plans to hold meetings in all 924 Sangh-structured districts involving intellectuals and esteemed personalities. These interactions aim to deepen ideological dialogue and strengthen the organisation's connection with thought leaders across the country. As part of its mass outreach, the RSS will organise Hindu Sammelans in every mandal and basti, covering 58,000 mandals and 44,000 bastis. In total, over one lakh Hindu Sammelans will be held nationwide to strengthen grassroots connections. Last year, during May and June, the RSS conducted over 100 Sangh Prashikshan Vargs (training camps), with 75 of them specifically for participants below 40 years of age. A total of 17,609 volunteers, including those at the Nagpur headquarters, participated in these camps. Additionally, 8,813 students took part in Sangh Shiksha Vargs, showcasing strong youth engagement. For the 40–60 age group, 4,270 volunteers were trained, highlighting inter-generational involvement in the organisation's ideological and practical training.
