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‘Everything we do is under siege': small fundraisers try to provide lifeline in Gaza

‘Everything we do is under siege': small fundraisers try to provide lifeline in Gaza

Yahoo2 days ago
Every day, new images come from Gaza that depict the most unimaginable horrors: hunger, despair and murder. It's rare to see a glimmer of hope in this unrelenting suffering, but last week a video posted by Stephanie Shih, of fresh vegetables being purchased from one of the few remaining family farms in the Gaza Strip, provided one.
Sadly, the prices were astronomical – sometimes as much as $40 for a few eggplants. Since Israel has stopped almost all food and aid getting into Gaza, prices of what little food has been grown, stockpiled or looted have soared. The fresh vegetables could be purchased thanks to a mutual aid fund run by Shih, an artist based out of New York. Shih has raised over $600,000 since March 2024 from a fund she runs from her Instagram and word of mouth. Half of the money goes to a photojournalist in Gaza with a history of community work, who helps organise distributions of cooked food, produce, water, tents, cloth and cash.
'He's able to leverage his longstanding relationships with local vendors to get decent deals on what little product is available in the markets, which is then distributed for free to families who cannot afford it,' Shih said. The funds enabled him to buy the vegetables and pass them on to other families.
The other half of the money is given to around 30 families in Gaza that Shih has developed close relationships with since 2024.
Related: How desperate Palestinians are struggling to find food and aid in Gaza
Shih is one of a number of individuals and groups based in the US who have set up uncertified and unofficial mutual aid funds for people in Gaza. The funds solicit donations from all over the world. Some are working with Palestinians in Gaza to organise complex distribution networks, others are simply wiring money directly to trusted individuals in Gaza to distribute. Just this week, Reviving Gaza, a mutual aid group founded by three displaced Gazan siblings, posted videos of 1,500 loaves of fresh bread being baked with flour secured by their group.
This kind of distribution is often uneven and not nearly enough to sustain the population of Gaza. The amount they can raise is also limited by personal networks and social media followers. Yet for people living under the most unimaginably horrific conditions, these donations can be a lifeline.
Since the beginning of the war, aid has been severely restricted – only a small number of aid trucks are allowed into Gaza and what's allowed in is heavily controlled by Israel. But things got considerably worse in March, when Israel enacted a total blockade on all food, aid and medicine into Gaza. The small amount of aid still being distributed by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a USand Israeli-backed group, comes with great risk: Israeli forces have killed more than 1,000 Palestinians at its food distribution sites since May. Earlier this month more than 100 charities wrote an open letter to say that they were seeing Palestinians, including their own colleagues, wasting away as famine grips Gaza. The letter blamed Israeli restrictions on, and 'massacres' at, aid distribution points.
Israel's foreign ministry says it is now allowing in about 70 aid trucks a day – well below the 500 to 600 trucks the UN says are needed and that entered daily during a six-week ceasefire earlier this year.
'On a given day when a NGO has to shut down highly visible operations because of military threats, fundraisers like ours can still operate,' says Shih. 'But those NGOs could be up the very next day serving more people than our small team could handle. NGOs have more money and resources but are also bound by international bureaucracy and political tensions. Mutual aid groups are more nimble, have less overhead and are able to distribute moderate amounts of aid quickly.'
While some mutual aid funds are being run by individuals like Shih, others are small collectives that focus on certain kinds of aid – like Water is Life, which sources water from wells in northern Gaza and, with the help of donations, pays for trucks to distribute it around the strip. Mutual Aid Funds says that in the past few weeks interest and donations have soared as more images of starvation and Israeli violence reach western media.
Grassroots Gaza is a fund run by a large number of Palestinians who now live abroad. 'Donations are a lifeline in these catastrophic times,' said their cofounding member, who asked not to be named. 'For example, we've been sending clean water trucks to al-Naser in north Gaza for months. And we chose this area precisely because it's a residential neighborhood, not a camp or UN school, and is often overlooked by large NGOs and international aid initiatives.'
Notably, these funds use existing networks and wire transfers to get money to Gaza, avoiding platforms like GoFundMe which has frozen or returned millions of dollars raised on its platform meant to reach Gaza.
But once money reaches Gaza, some brokers are charging 40% fees to get cash. These fees are a big part of the reason people can't afford food. Many merchants used to accept digital transfers, but no longer. Virtual money is losing value because it has to be converted to cash at some point.
Food prices are changing constantly, but Tamar Glezerman, who fundraises via Venmo with the help of a friend in Gaza, says prices last week were 1,100 shekels ($324) for 10kg of flour, 200 shekels ($59) for Canned sardines and 54 shekels ($15) for wet wipes.
Related: The mathematics of starvation: how Israel caused a famine in Gaza
That's not to say mutual aid groups can account that every dollar they raise is spent in the most effective way. Grassroots Gaza acknowledges the emergence of 'black markets, skyrocketing prices, and exploitative merchants' but says that it is not the fault of those sending money and 'is directly linked to and engineered by the ongoing genocidal war'. Many financial operators also saddle huge surcharges on money being sent to Gaza.
'Everything we do is carried out and organized under siege, bombardment, starvation, and abandonment by the international community and neighboring countries. Nothing about this moment is perfect, and yet we continue to provide rooted in care, accountability, and love to our people,' said the group's spokesperson.
Yesterday, as she was about to send more money, Shih got a heartbreaking reply from one of the families she regularly donates to: 'I think there is no need for that. We will not be able to use this money for anything. The situation is very bad and the prices are very high. This is the last thing I ever expected to say in my life.'
Shih says she will continue to send funds to the family, but the only way to help every Palestinian in Gaza is with an immediate ceasefire and open borders. 'If there was enough food to feed the people of Gaza, there would be no black market. Flour didn't cost 120 shekels a kilo before the genocide. Israel is manufacturing the starvation of Gaza and then pointing to people's desperation as proof of their depravity, but the depravity is Israel's alone.'
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She fed 100K Gazan families for free – now terrorists and local merchants want her dead
She fed 100K Gazan families for free – now terrorists and local merchants want her dead

Fox News

time37 minutes ago

  • Fox News

She fed 100K Gazan families for free – now terrorists and local merchants want her dead

FIRST ON FOX - In a war-torn part of the Middle East, where corruption and violence often determine who gets to eat and who goes hungry, one woman chose to challenge the system. When much of the world had written off northern Gaza as unreachable, 30-year-old east-Jerusalem resident Sarah Awaidah and her team carved out a lifeline. Under the umbrella of Mena Aid, a regional partner coalition operating through the Multifaith Alliance (MFA), and in coordination with Israeli authorities, she built a system that moved hundreds of trucks of food and supplies into Gaza – bypassing Hamas and private contractors who had turned hunger into a business. The result: more than 100,000 families fed. The cost: her own safety. "I never imagined that creating a safe, independent humanitarian route would become the reason my life might end," Sarah Awaidah told Fox News Digital in an exclusive interview that took place in a safe house in Israel. "After delivering 346 trucks of aid between September 2024 and February 2025, we reached 100,622 families," Awaidah said. "We decided to scale up distribution on June 30, 2025, at a time when no one was able to get anything into Gaza because of looting, chaos and multiple layers of obstruction on the ground." Operating through Mena Aid, Awaidah's team designed an alternative route to deliver food and essential supplies. In Israel, a trusted logistics company transported the goods from the port of Ashdod to the Kerem Shalom and Zikim crossings. Inside Gaza, another logistics partner handled transport, while Awaidah's own staff – coordinating in real time with Israel – shadowed every shipment. "Once the aid crosses into Gaza, it's picked up by another trusted logistics partner and escorted by our own team members. "Our teams are present during offloading and accompany the aid from the crossing to secure warehouses. Inside the warehouses, we begin distribution immediately – aiming to deliver everything the same day, and at most within two to three days. Nothing is allowed to sit idle." That level of control allowed them to achieve what few others could: reaching northern Gaza, where people had not seen a staple supply of food for months. Her breakthrough exposed a darker reality – an economy where hunger itself has become a business. "There's a lot of private sector businessmen – some associated with Hamas and other political groups – who try to use aid to make millions," she said. "Because there's such a shortage of goods, and prices are so high, some steal aid and sell it in the market. Others try to take over the supply routes so they can resell it." According to Awaidah, her team's success threatened those who profit from scarcity. By flooding the market with free goods, they not only fed families but also drove down the inflated prices charged for basics like sugar and flour. "If there's no sugar in Gaza, and we bring it in for free, they can't keep selling it at outrageous prices," she said. "So we became their problem." Israeli authorities also tried to cut off these private-sector schemes by shutting down routes that allowed commercial profiteering. While this helped curb some corruption, it also made the remaining humanitarian channels more dangerous. "The private sector was blocked, and so those who lost their profits started trying harder to threaten and infiltrate the humanitarian route," she said. "They couldn't control it, so they tried to break it – and me." The attacks on her came quickly. "I began receiving death threats – not just from Gaza, but from the West Bank… heartbreakingly, some came from people I once trusted." One of the most painful betrayals came from someone close to her, she said, "I even discovered that I was in a relationship full of lies," she said. "That person was part of a gang that wanted to exploit the aid operation – and he tried to use me too. But I stood firm. I made sure he, and people like him, never got near it. And now, my life is at risk because I refused to let the private sector hijack aid for commercial gain, or let political actors bend it to serve their goals." For Awaidah, the families she helps are the reason she refuses to quit. "We created a distribution model based on verified beneficiary lists, using ID checks to ensure fair and dignified access to food," she said. "People stood in line calmly, organized, even in impossible conditions. That's something the media rarely shows – the dignity and patience of the people." In the past month alone, her group has delivered 75 trucks and has another 112 on the way from Ashdod. Each day, she focuses on the mission, even as the threats grow. "What broke me most wasn't the threats from strangers – it was realizing that people close to me were part of it," she said. "It's easier to fight enemies from the outside. But when it comes from your own circle, it cuts deeper. Still, that only confirms we're doing something right. If they're losing their minds over this, it means the mechanism we built works. It means it's secure. It means they couldn't find a way to manipulate it, so they tried to break me instead." She knows the risks. But for her, the alternative is worse. "I will not stop. And they will not stop me," she said, "I will continue delivering aid to the people who need it, no matter the threats. That's my promise." For Awaidah, standing up to corruption has come at a steep personal cost. But for the families in Gaza who have stood in her food lines, she has already changed what once felt impossible: getting a fair share of help, without a price tag.

Chaos, gangs, gunfire: Gaza aid fails to reach most needy
Chaos, gangs, gunfire: Gaza aid fails to reach most needy

Yahoo

time13 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Chaos, gangs, gunfire: Gaza aid fails to reach most needy

The trickle of food aid Israel allows to enter Gaza after nearly 22 months of war is seized by Palestinians risking their lives under fire, looted by gangs or diverted in chaotic circumstances rather than reaching those most in need, UN agencies, aid groups and analysts say. After images of malnourished children stoked an international outcry, aid has started to be delivered to the territory once more but on a scale deemed woefully insufficient by international organisations. Every day, AFP correspondents on the ground see desperate crowds rushing towards food convoys or the sites of aid drops by Arab and European air forces. On Thursday, in Al-Zawayda in central Gaza, emaciated Palestinians rushed to pallets parachuted from a plane, jostling and tearing packages from each other in a cloud of dust. "Hunger has driven people to turn on each other. People are fighting each other with knives," Amir Zaqot, who came seeking aid, told AFP. To avoid disturbances, World Food Programme (WFP) drivers have been instructed to stop before their intended destination and let people help themselves. But to no avail. "A truck wheel almost crushed my head, and I was injured retrieving the bag," sighed a man, carrying a bag of flour on his head, in the Zikim area, in the northern Gaza Strip. - 'Truly tragic' - Mohammad Abu Taha went at dawn to a distribution site near Rafah in the south to join the queue and reserve his spot. He said there were already "thousands waiting, all hungry, for a bag of flour or a little rice and lentils." "Suddenly, we heard gunshots….. There was no way to escape. People started running, pushing and shoving each other, children, women, the elderly," said the 42-year-old. "The scene was truly tragic: blood everywhere, wounded, dead." Nearly 1,400 Palestinians have been killed in the Gaza Strip while waiting for aid since May 27, the majority by the Israeli army, the United Nations said on Friday. The Israeli army denies any targeting, insisting it only fires "warning shots" when people approach too close to its positions. International organisations have for months condemned the restrictions imposed by the Israeli authorities on aid distribution in Gaza, including refusing to issue border crossing permits, slow customs clearance, limited access points, and imposing dangerous routes. On Tuesday, in Zikim, the Israeli army "changed loading plans for WFP, mixing cargo unexpectedly. The convoy was forced to leave early, without proper security," said a senior UN official who spoke on condition of anonymity. In the south of Gaza, at the Kerem Shalom border crossing, "there are two possible routes to reach our warehouses (in central Gaza)," said an NGO official, who also preferred to remain anonymous. "One is fairly safe, the other is regularly the scene of fighting and looting, and that's the one we're forced to take." - 'Darwinian experiment' - Some of the aid is looted by gangs -- who often directly attack warehouses -- and diverted to traders who resell it at exorbitant prices, according to several humanitarian sources and experts. "It becomes this sort of Darwinian social experiment of the survival of the fittest," said Muhammad Shehada, visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR). "People who are the most starved in the world and do not have the energy must run and chase after a truck and wait for hours and hours in the sun and try to muscle people and compete for a bag of flour," he said. Jean Guy Vataux, emergency coordinator for Doctors Without Borders (MSF) in Gaza, added: "We're in an ultra-capitalist system, where traders and corrupt gangs send kids to risk life and limb at distribution points or during looting. It's become a new profession." This food is then resold to "those who can still afford it" in the markets of Gaza City, where the price of a 25-kilogramme bag of flour can exceed $400, he added. – 'Never found proof' - Israel has repeatedly accused Hamas of looting aid supplied by the UN, which has been delivering the bulk of aid since the start of the war triggered by the militant group's October 2023 attack. The Israeli authorities have used this accusation to justify the total blockade they imposed on Gaza between March and May, and the subsequent establishment of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a private organisation supported by Israel and the United States which has become the main aid distributor, sidelining UN agencies. However, for more than two million inhabitants of Gaza the GHF has just four distribution points, which the UN describes as a "death trap". "Hamas... has been stealing aid from the Gaza population many times by shooting Palestinians," said the office of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday. But according to senior Israeli military officials quoted by the New York Times on July 26, Israel "never found proof" that the group had "systematically stolen aid" from the UN. Weakened by the war with Israel which has seen most of its senior leadership killed, Hamas today is made up of "basically decentralised autonomous cells" said Shehada. He said while Hamas militants still hunker down in each Gaza neighbourhood in tunnels or destroyed buildings, they are not visible on the ground "because Israel has been systematically going after them". Aid workers told AFP that during the ceasefire that preceded the March blockade, the Gaza police -- which includes many Hamas members -- helped secure humanitarian convoys, but that the current power vacuum was fostering insecurity and looting. "UN agencies and humanitarian organisations have repeatedly called on Israeli authorities to facilitate and protect aid convoys and storage sites in our warehouses across the Gaza Strip," said Bushra Khalidi, policy lead at Oxfam. "These calls have largely been ignored," she added. - 'All kinds of criminal activities' - The Israeli army is also accused of having equipped Palestinian criminal networks in its fight against Hamas and of allowing them to plunder aid. "The real theft of aid since the beginning of the war has been carried out by criminal gangs, under the watch of Israeli forces, and they were allowed to operate in proximity to the Kerem Shalom crossing point into Gaza," Jonathan Whittall, Palestinian territories chief of the UN humanitarian office (OCHA), told reporters in May. According to Israeli and Palestinian media reports, an armed group called the Popular Forces, made up of members of a Bedouin tribe led by Yasser Abu Shabab, is operating in the southern region under Israeli control. The ECFR describes Abu Shabab as leading a "criminal gang operating in the Rafah area that is widely accused of looting aid trucks". The Israeli authorities themselves acknowledged in June that they had armed Palestinian gangs opposed to Hamas, without directly naming the one led by Abu Shabab. Michael Milshtein, head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center of Tel Aviv University, said many of the gang's members were implicated in "all kinds of criminal activities, drug smuggling, and things like that". "None of this can happen in Gaza without the approval, at least tacit, of the Israeli army," said a humanitarian worker in Gaza, asking not to be named. bur-cl-sjw/kir/tc

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