logo
Calls for Indigenous voters to harness electoral power in tight marginal seats

Calls for Indigenous voters to harness electoral power in tight marginal seats

Indigenous policy has been largely absent from this election campaign.
It's a marked difference to the 2022 poll when Labor promised a referendum on the Voice to Parliament.
The past week of campaigning has been more about Welcomes to Country than Closing the Gap .
"The only incursions into Indigenous policy in this election have really been about punching down on Aboriginal groups," said Euahlayi man Bhiamie Williamson.
Stay updated:
Catch the latest interviews and in-depth coverage on
Mr Williamson is a senior lecturer at Monash University and has previously researched Indigenous voters in marginal electorates while at the Australian National University.
"Indigenous peoples have electoral power around the country in some places that will surprise people,"
he said.
"We've heard the narrative that Indigenous peoples are only 3 per cent of the population … the case of the 97 per cent lion and the 3 per cent mouse.
"That view is inaccurate, and it doesn't engage with political geography of Australia."
Bhiamie Williamson says Indigenous Australians have a "sleeping" electoral power.
(
ABC News: Callum Flinn
)
Mr Williamson's ANU research indicates that, numerically at least, Indigenous voters could decide the result in marginal electorates.
"Seats where you have this sleeping Indigenous electoral power… they exist in all of corners of the country, not just the Northern Territory.
"What we've found is that Indigenous voters [in] up to 15 seats around Australia, make up a greater proportion than the swinging margin in those electorates."
Opportunity in Gilmore
One of those seats is Gilmore on the New South Wales South Coast, which sits mostly on Yuin and Tharawal country.
It was won by Labor at the last election by just 373 votes.
Batemans Bay is in the electorate of Gilmore.
(
ABC News: John Gunn
)
ABC analysis of census data found there are an estimated 5,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander eligible voters in Gilmore.
Mathematically, if not necessarily politically, it's a big enough number to be influential in the seat if it runs as close as the last poll.
Liberal candidate Andrew Constance is taking on sitting Labor member Fiona Phillips in one of the tightest seats in the country.
Read more about the federal election:
Want even more? Here's where you can find all our 2025
Walbunja woman from the Yuin nation, Ros Carriage, is the CEO of the Batemans Bay Local Aboriginal Land Council.
"I'm actually scared that the [Coalition] would get in because they've never been traditionally the friend of Aboriginal people," she said.
"I don't trust Dutton because he never comes across as genuine to me.
"I don't know that he's done anything for Aboriginal Australia at all.
"The scare campaign that they put out with the referendum disgusted me, I was just absolutely horrified."
Ms Carriage said she will be voting Labor.
Ros Carriage fears federal funding could be cut under the Coalition.
(
ABC News: John Gunn
)
The Batemans Bay Local Aboriginal Land Council received federal funding this year to expand its Indigenous ranger program.
Rangers conduct wildlife counts of endangered species and use traditional 'cool' controlled burns to protect temperate rainforests against bushfire.
The Coalition's plan to audit government spending, especially on Indigenous programs, has left Ms Carriage anxious about the future of ranger work on her country.
"I'm not sure that the LNP are going to continue that funding, or they may even cut the funding," said Ms Carriage.
"But we need it to look after the country."
Ros Carriage and Indigenous ranger Andrew Stewart at the site of a traditional burn on Yuin country.
(
ABC News: James Vyver
)
Like any electorate there are a broad range of views political views in Gilmore, not least among First Nations voters.
"I voted no [in the Referendum], and unapologetically," said Trent Thompson, a Wangaaypuwan man from the Ngiyampaa nation.
"I believe that the Voice was nothing more than virtue signalling."
Mr Thompson lives in Nowra in the north of the electorate and plans to vote for Andrew Constance, despite currently being a member of One Nation.
He's a full-time law student on a $600 fortnightly Abstudy allowance, while his wife Tamara is on a disability support pension.
"Cost of living, it is crippling, electricity alone is costing us $400 a fortnight," Mr Thompson said.
"Luckily, [the pension] is a bit more substantive. That's keeping us alive."
Trent Thompson will be voting Liberal at the election.
(
ABC News: John Gunn
)
While cost of living has been a major deciding factor in Mr Thompson's vote, values considerations have come first.
"Peter Dutton, I trust him much, much more," Mr Thompson said.
"I'm disgusted with what this country's become and the [Labor] politics that are running it."
Mr Thompson said while he will be voting Liberal at this election, but he's unhappy at the overall lack of debate around Indigenous policy.
"It makes me annoyed, we're supposed to be closing the gap," he said.
"We can't do that when there's no policies."
When it comes to local issues in Gilmore, Mr Thompson is worried about the lack of public housing combined with a rise in homelessness.
"We are told all the time that we live in one of the luckiest countries in the world, a rich country," he said.
"If you live in such a rich country, how can there be so many homeless people and how can there be such a drastic population jump in the last three years?"
Power in numbers
Based on ABC analysis, there are an estimated eight electorates where the potential number of First Nations voters exceeds the winning margin at the 2022 poll.
How the data was analysed:
The ABC collected data on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander potential eligible voters living in each electorate from the 2021 Census.
This number was then compared with the winning vote margin from the 2022 election, sourced from the Australian Electoral Commission.
The AEC does not provide enrolment data at an electorate level, so that metric has not been included in our calculations.
For example; the Nationals won the New South Wales seat of Cowper by 5,172 votes, where there are an estimated 7,400 Indigenous people of voting age.
In Tasmania, there are an estimated 4,000 Indigenous voters in the seat of Lyons, where Labor won with a margin of 1,344 votes.
The ABS estimates that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations are under-represented in their data, making the calculations conservative.
A further six seats are likely to have this same 'sleeping' electoral power, including Peter Dutton's seat of Dickson which is held by a slim 1.7 per cent margin.
Every state and territory except the ACT has at least one electorate where First Nations voters have the potential for power in numbers.
A map of the marginal seats across the country where the number of Indigenous voters is estimated to be greater than the winning vote margin at the 2022 election.
(
ABC News
)
The challenge for independents and the major parties is to convert a numerical advantage into a political one.
But Mr Williamson says it should be an opportunity for communities, not parties.
"Indigenous voters undoubtedly, like every other community around the country, would vote in different ways, they'd have different priorities," he said.
"However, Indigenous voters and Indigenous communities undoubtedly have common interests.
"If in some areas, you could bring and organise an Indigenous vote together as a bloc, they could wield extraordinary political influence and have a say in who wins in their local electorate."
Mr Thompson has engaged in the political process in the past, having previously been a young Liberal and a member of the National Party.
He said that there is untapped political potential in Gilmore in the way Mr Williamson's research indicates.
Trent Thompson and his wife Tamara, with children Beatrix, Georgia and Endellion.
(
ABC News: John Gunn
)
"[It] would require the leadership and guidance of the elders to become engaged, not just with the communities, but with each other, to come to a consensus position.
"If that could happen, then, yeah, absolutely [they] could form their own movement and move forward that way."
Ms Carriage said while the problems facing Australia's First Peoples are complex, getting Indigenous people to vote together starts with some simple propositions for politicians.
"Let the Aboriginal people know that you're there for them and you're not just that face that's on the TV every now and again.
"Put your shorts and T-shirt on. Come sit down. Have a sausage sizzle with us," she said.
"And truth telling, please! Let us see that you're actually doing something … we want to see action, we want to make them accountable."
With additional reporting by Madi Chwasta.
Loading
Having trouble seeing this form? Try
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Nova Peris can't be cancelled, despite anti-Islam posts
Nova Peris can't be cancelled, despite anti-Islam posts

Sydney Morning Herald

timean hour ago

  • Sydney Morning Herald

Nova Peris can't be cancelled, despite anti-Islam posts

Members beware Barely recovered from their crushing federal election defeat, the NSW Liberals are already looking forward to their next date with the voters. Last week, the division opened, and then promptly closed, candidate nominations for the 2027 state election. Aspiring state MPs hoping to join Mark Speakman's (or his successor's) opposition had just a few days to get their paperwork in order. Given the party's recent history of having preselections delayed until the 11th hour by juvenile, arcane factional disputes, getting the nominations in early is probably wise. But the tight deadline caught a few in the party off-guard, given just how much of Sydney's posher locales are still enjoying Europe's summer. One person not caught by the quick turnaround for nominations was former federal MP Jenny Ware, who lost the once-safe southern Sydney seat of Hughes to Labor's David Moncrieff in the May election in a result few insiders saw coming. Nevertheless, Ware wants another crack at elected office, and we hear is challenging Miranda MP Eleni Petinos for preselection. Petinos has a bit of baggage of her own. She was dumped from the ministry by then-premier Dom Perrottet after allegations she bullied her staff. Not to mention the finest piece of Petinos lore – the time she chundered in the back of former deputy premier John Barilaro's ministerial chauffeur-driven car on the way back from State of Origin in 2017, an incident known as 'barf-gate'. Ware didn't exactly set the backbench alight during her one term in Canberra. But that means she comes with mercifully less baggage than Petinos, which might give the good preselectors of the Sutherland Shire reason to move on. Wedding bells in Woollahra It's a big CBD congratulations to Woollahra Mayor Sarah Swan, who tied the knot with her partner Andrew Dixson at All Saints' Woollahra on Saturday. Before succeeding former Liberal state director Richard Shields (who was booted from that job after failing to nominate candidates in last year's local government elections), Swan was better known to readers of this masthead as one of the lawyers for eastern suburbs hairdresser Anthony Koletti. Koletti, in turn, was better known to the general public as the husband of fraudster Melissa Caddick. He was back in the news last week after being charged with assaulting an elderly woman in Vaucluse. No word, however, on whether Koletti showed up. Or whether the hairdresser, rumoured to have given the occasional blow dry on the house, did Swan's hair. Balling out Netball's plan for world domination was on the agenda during a long lunch at Melbourne Park's Centrepiece on Saturday, before the Super Netball grand final at adjacent Rod Laver Arena. Among the 800 guests were Bridget McKenzi e, Nationals senator and demon netballer, and actor Leah Purcell, who once got physical on the court with Australian netball great Vicky Wilson and hasn't let anyone forget it. Purcell is working on a teen TV drama about a group of girls gunning for the state championships, strategically timed to coincide with the 2027 World Cup in Australia. Speaking of strategic, also in the room was the Brisbane 2032 executive Brendan Keane. Netball Australia chair Liz Ellis made no secret of the sport's Big Ambition, to get netty into the Olympics. 'We will push hard for Olympic inclusion,' Ellis said, urging everyone in the room to pledge their support for the cause. (McKenzie obliged.)

Albanese now has time to bring real change. So timing becomes critical
Albanese now has time to bring real change. So timing becomes critical

Sydney Morning Herald

timean hour ago

  • Sydney Morning Herald

Albanese now has time to bring real change. So timing becomes critical

In the first session of question time this term, Anthony Albanese was asked whether the government was considering certain taxes. A small smile appeared briefly on the prime minister's face as he stepped up to deliver his answer. Then it vanished and he delivered his line, quiet and clear: 'I'll give a big tip to the member for Fairfax: the time to run a scare campaign is just before an election, not after one.' It was a good line. The quiet confidence with which it was delivered left no doubt as to the government's ascendancy. It helped that, as others have noted, Albanese was right. The opposition's attempts to warn of new taxes fell flat. Most voters have just made their decision – based in part on what the government said it would do – and they aren't yet interested in speculations as to what it might do. But Albanese's words contain a lesson for the government too. The prime minister was talking about a specific type of scare campaign – the rule-in-rule-out kind – where the subject is imagined dangers. But the lesson applies to scare campaigns of any stripe, including those about the impact of actual policies. A scare campaign won't work for a while now. This raises a question: what is the optimal timing in which the government might announce significant reform and make the case for it, safe in the knowledge that apocalyptic warnings will fall on deaf ears? A clue as to the government's thinking might lie in the lessons of its first term. Most prime ministers get into habits. They find things that work and repeat them. The first year of the Albanese government was about setting a tone by delivering on election promises. That is what Albanese has said about the first year of this term, too. Most of the last year was about getting election-ready: troublesome policies sidelined, retail politics to the fore. No doubt that will be repeated. This leaves the difficult middle: the period in which the trickiest feats were attempted. That second year was dominated by the campaign for the Indigenous voice to parliament and then by Albanese's decision to break a promise and change Scott Morrison's stage 3 tax cuts. The fact those feats were attempted in the second year meant two things. First, that if the political impacts were bad for the government – frustration at a referendum loss, anger at a broken promise – there was another year in which those feelings might fade. (Though criticism of the government at the weekend's Garma Festival reminds us that the real impacts of the referendum loss will be felt for years; political impact is not the same thing as actual impact.) Loading Just as significant was the fact that Albanese waited. For the tax cuts, this meant that the pressure built. Withstanding such pressure can be difficult, but it can also be immensely helpful: by the time a government acts, it can feel almost inevitable. Then there was a final element of timing. The debate over those tax cuts had been going on for years before Albanese was elected. Pressure for change had been building all that time, not just for the period Labor was in government.

Albanese now has time to bring real change. So timing becomes critical
Albanese now has time to bring real change. So timing becomes critical

The Age

timean hour ago

  • The Age

Albanese now has time to bring real change. So timing becomes critical

In the first session of question time this term, Anthony Albanese was asked whether the government was considering certain taxes. A small smile appeared briefly on the prime minister's face as he stepped up to deliver his answer. Then it vanished and he delivered his line, quiet and clear: 'I'll give a big tip to the member for Fairfax: the time to run a scare campaign is just before an election, not after one.' It was a good line. The quiet confidence with which it was delivered left no doubt as to the government's ascendancy. It helped that, as others have noted, Albanese was right. The opposition's attempts to warn of new taxes fell flat. Most voters have just made their decision – based in part on what the government said it would do – and they aren't yet interested in speculations as to what it might do. But Albanese's words contain a lesson for the government too. The prime minister was talking about a specific type of scare campaign – the rule-in-rule-out kind – where the subject is imagined dangers. But the lesson applies to scare campaigns of any stripe, including those about the impact of actual policies. A scare campaign won't work for a while now. This raises a question: what is the optimal timing in which the government might announce significant reform and make the case for it, safe in the knowledge that apocalyptic warnings will fall on deaf ears? A clue as to the government's thinking might lie in the lessons of its first term. Most prime ministers get into habits. They find things that work and repeat them. The first year of the Albanese government was about setting a tone by delivering on election promises. That is what Albanese has said about the first year of this term, too. Most of the last year was about getting election-ready: troublesome policies sidelined, retail politics to the fore. No doubt that will be repeated. This leaves the difficult middle: the period in which the trickiest feats were attempted. That second year was dominated by the campaign for the Indigenous voice to parliament and then by Albanese's decision to break a promise and change Scott Morrison's stage 3 tax cuts. The fact those feats were attempted in the second year meant two things. First, that if the political impacts were bad for the government – frustration at a referendum loss, anger at a broken promise – there was another year in which those feelings might fade. (Though criticism of the government at the weekend's Garma Festival reminds us that the real impacts of the referendum loss will be felt for years; political impact is not the same thing as actual impact.) Loading Just as significant was the fact that Albanese waited. For the tax cuts, this meant that the pressure built. Withstanding such pressure can be difficult, but it can also be immensely helpful: by the time a government acts, it can feel almost inevitable. Then there was a final element of timing. The debate over those tax cuts had been going on for years before Albanese was elected. Pressure for change had been building all that time, not just for the period Labor was in government.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store