
How Western governments avoid confronting Israel
Flying in the teeth of mass public opinion, governments allergic to getting tough with Israel have deployed a host of tactics to put off implementing any measures that might hold it to account. In doing so, they have been prepared to smash much-cherished ethical principles and norms, as well as international law.
Keeping the US administration happy is a cornerstone of the approach of many leaders, no matter how many atrocities or crimes against humanity Israel perpetrates.
This has contaminated the entire international system. The most egregious failing is not just to ignore the crimes, but to be complicit with Israel's genocide in Gaza and its regime of apartheid. But the complicity brings additional side effects — notably the trivialization of values most of us hold dear.
Above all, this has meant hollowing out the international legal system. The international Court of Justice and International Criminal Court are only respected when ruling against the foes of Western powers. When the latter issued an arrest warrant for Israeli leaders, the US sanctioned the court's key actors.
The UK has been an alarming exemplar of this. The actions of the government have trivialized terrorism, racism and antisemitism, while belittling genocide, war crimes and rape.
Last week, the British government decided to proscribe as terrorist a pro-Palestine protest group that engages in direct action. It is now a criminal offence to join or to express support for Palestine Action, punishable by up to 14 years in prison. This move came as part of a bill that lumped it together with two genuinely violent neo-Nazi organizations, helping to ensure the legislation passed through Parliament. This came after four members of Palestine Action, protesting against Israel's genocide, broke into a British military base and spray painted aircraft red. Vandalism, yes; criminal, certainly; but hardly terrorism.
The farcical nature of the legislation was exposed when police arrested 27 protesters on the day it came into effect. One of them was an 83-year-old female priest.
Terrorism should always be treated as a serious offence. Yet those who spray paint buildings and aircraft are now in the same category as those who blow themselves up at pop concerts, for example. Police resources risk being diverted away from genuinely violent groups.
This will, by design, have massive implications for the right to protest and the right to free speech. The chilling effect on the movement for Palestinian rights will be Arctic. It echoes the way in which ministers in the previous government described pro-Palestinian protests as 'hate marches.'
Racism and antisemitism have also been trivialized and for similar reasons. The weaponization of antisemitism by anti-Palestinian groups has often been echoed in government statements.
The weaponization of antisemitism by anti-Palestinian groups has often been echoed in government statements.
Chris Doyle
A once pretty obscure rap act has become known globally owing to one of its member's chant at the Glastonbury Festival of 'death, death to the IDF.' All death chants are vile, but this soon mutated in headlines into being an antisemitic chant calling for the killing of Israelis, which it was not. The Israeli army has been conducting genocide and war crimes, livestreamed to the world. The British government has voiced more criticism of the BBC for not cutting its live feed of this show than it has of the incitement to genocide by Israeli leaders.
Serious acts of antisemitism are all too frequent, such as the arson attack on the oldest synagogue in Melbourne last week. So, when government ministers pitch in to this weaponization, it jeopardizes the fight against real antisemitism. It blurs the line between legitimate political speech and prohibited speech.
As for anti-Arab racism, this remains the least discussed and researched form of racism imaginable. This is quite something when the people of Gaza are the victims of genocide and all Palestinians under Israeli control suffer from varying degrees of institutionalized discrimination as part of its regime of apartheid.
All this threatens freedom of speech. Add to that the way in which many states or cities have banned pro-Palestinian demonstrations or even the flying of the Palestinian flag. Israel has destroyed every single university in Gaza, but in the US the issue has been reduced to alleged antisemitism on college campuses.
It is a deliberate exercise in distraction and diversion. Get the debate on to antisemitism or the nature of protests and the media focus switches away from the real crimes on the ground — every single day, the Israeli military's killing and starvation machine is at work in Gaza. The distraction allows governments to avoid having to answer why they are doing so little to stop Israel.
The combination of trivialization and distraction is part of the complicity of these governments. They treat the public as fools, but people are not blind to their leaders' abject moral failure on Palestine.
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India's diplomatic approach to the Middle East has been bilateral and transactional. It has built very substantial relations with all the regional states, but only on a bilateral basis; it has largely avoided taking a collective view of the region and has avoided engagements through regional cooperation platforms. And it has assiduously avoided any active involvement with issues relating to Middle Eastern security and stability. India's diplomacy will need to exhibit a fresh focus on engagement with its immediate and extended neighborhoods. Talmiz Ahmad This approach, ideal in peacetime, has been found inadequate amid the horrendous killings that have defined Israel's response to the Hamas attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, and the wanton spread of its attacks to the West Bank, Lebanon and Syria, and to Iran itself, in which it was joined by the US. No wonder Gandhi said that 'we cannot remain silent in the face of such destruction.' But recent developments have also raised new challenges for India's core interests. India's hands-off approach as far as security issues are concerned has provided opportunities for other nations to play a leading role in addressing matters of regional security by facilitating engagements between hostile neighbors and encouraging rival Palestinian factions to interact with each other. There is more. Last month, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations organized a joint conclave with the Gulf Cooperation Council states and China as part of their effort to expand and diversify economic links with other major partners in the face of challenges posed by the US administration. The tripartite joint declaration contained strong ASEAN criticisms of Israel and backing for the peace efforts of the GCC states. Former Indian diplomat Gurjit Singh noted that the declaration affirmed that the ASEAN has matured and is 'no longer content to remain a bystander in global affairs.' Gandhi wrote in her article that there was still time for India to 'course-correct' and act 'clearly, responsibly and decisively.' The first step in the proposed course correction would be for India to affirm the core principle that will guide Indian diplomacy: a commitment to strategic autonomy and the realization of a multipolar world order in which India will be a robust voice of the Global South, recalling its role in the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War. To end the sense of strategic drift that some commentators have noted, India's diplomacy will also need to exhibit a fresh focus on engagement with its immediate and extended neighborhoods — South, West, Central, Southeast and Northeast Asia, and the Indian Ocean. This will call for the replacement of the outdated bilateral approach to important relationships with the shaping of collective regional approaches, with regular interactions on matters of geopolitics and geoeconomics at specially designed regional platforms. India's substantial and abiding links with the Middle East, founded on energy, trade, investments, joint ventures, connectivity projects and technology partnerships — all brought together by the presence of India's 9 million-strong resident community — will ensure that this region will command its principal attention. But India's new approach will also include an important place for dialogue on issues of security and stability with a view to shaping a regional comprehensive security arrangement. This pioneering effort will be propelled by three principles. One, it will be inclusive in that participation in the dialogue process will include all parties with an abiding interest in regional security. Two, the effort will be diplomatic, given the conviction of participants that, for far too long, external military interventions have wreaked havoc upon the region. And, three, the process will be incremental and evolutionary. Given the long-standing differences among regional states, this is the only approach that will work. India's fading global influence and credibility has in fact opened exciting opportunities for new visions and new initiatives in which 'moral responsibility and diplomatic leverage act as a bridge for de-escalation and peace.' • Talmiz Ahmad is a former Indian diplomat.