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BRICS+ Series: BRICS Summit in Rio Sparks Political Shockwave

BRICS+ Series: BRICS Summit in Rio Sparks Political Shockwave

IOL News2 days ago
Heads of state and government of member, partner, and external engagement countries pose for a family photo during the BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on July 7, 2025.
The 2025 BRICS Summit in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil, took place amidst a myriad of geopolitical conflicts. As it stands: the Russia-Ukraine conflict has received renewed momentum; the crisis in the Middle East has been exacerbated involving both Iran and the US–culminating in the US striking Iran; the conflict between India and Pakistan remain tense; multiple African conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, and Sahel.
BRICS 2025 Summit Agenda and Key Themes
The BRICS 2025 summit features a broad and ambitious agenda, addressing several urgent global priorities. Discussions are set to cover public health cooperation, economic and financial integration, climate policy, artificial intelligence governance, multilateral security reforms, and institutional strengthening.
On the issue of global health, leaders aim to promote fair and universal access to essential medicines and vaccines.Trade, investment, and financial cooperation will be a major focus, with renewed dialogue on advancing a shared BRICS currency and reducing dependency on the US dollar in cross-border transactions.
Climate change remains high on the agenda, with member states expected to launch a joint "BRICS Climate Leadership Strategy" to drive coordinated environmental action. Efforts to establish inclusive global frameworks for governing artificial intelligence will also take centre stage, as the bloc pushes for ethical and balanced oversight in emerging technologies.
The summit will explore ways to reform the international peace and security system, advocating for more equitable global governance structures. Finally, institutional development will focus on enhancing internal coordination mechanisms within the newly expanded BRICS grouping.
The New Development Bank
In the lead-up to the 17th BRICS Summit, Colombia and Uzbekistan have formally become members of the New Development Bank (NDB), bringing the total number of participating countries to eleven. Established in 2015 by the founding BRICS nations, the NDB was created to finance infrastructure and sustainable development initiatives across emerging markets.
Speaking at a press conference after the bank's 10th Board of Directors meeting, NDB President Dilma Rousseff reiterated the institution's commitment to supporting the Global South. She highlighted the importance of investment in innovation, science, and technology to help member states transition effectively into the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Current members of the NDB include India, Brazil, Russia, China, South Africa, Bangladesh, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Algeria. With its headquarters in Shanghai, the bank has so far approved over 120 projects spanning key sectors such as renewable energy, transportation, environmental conservation, water and sanitation, and digital infrastructure.
Summit Overview: BRICS 2025 in Rio
The 2025 BRICS summit marks a significant milestone for the coalition, underscoring the impact of its growing membership and increasing influence in world affairs. Under Brazil's presidency, the summit will reaffirm the bloc's commitment to deeper South-South cooperation and structural reforms in global governance institutions. Its wide-ranging agenda illustrates the diverse priorities and shared challenges confronting the Global South.
Key Summit Developments
Among the standout developments at the Rio summit were unified concerns over rising global tariffs, viewed as threats to fair trade—implicitly referencing recent US policies. BRICS leaders also condemned the targeting of Iranian infrastructure, reflecting shared unease over escalating regional tensions.
The summit's focus areas—ranging from public health and financial sovereignty to climate action and AI regulation—highlight the bloc's broader ambition to shape international discourse. Beyond formal sessions, the event also served as an umbrella for cultural and economic engagements, such as the BRICS Games in Brazil and youth entrepreneurship forums in India, strengthening collaboration across various sectors.
*Dr Iqbal Survé
Past chairman of the BRICS Business Council and co-chairman of the BRICS Media Forum and the BRNN
*Cole Jackson
Lead Associate at BRICS+ Consulting Group
Chinese & South American Specialist
** MORE ARTICLES ON OUR WEBSITE https://bricscg.com/
** Follow @brics_daily on X/Twitter & @brics_daily on Instagram for daily BRICS+ updates
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Traoré's Revolution versus South Africa's Death Project
Traoré's Revolution versus South Africa's Death Project

IOL News

time2 hours ago

  • IOL News

Traoré's Revolution versus South Africa's Death Project

Burkina Faso's junta leader Captain Ibrahim Traore attends a meeting. Image: Angelos Tzortzinis / AFP In Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré shows the world what it means when an African people refuse to kneel before empire. He has expelled French military forces, reclaimed foreign mining contracts, and redirected national resources toward housing, healthcare, education, and food sovereignty. Sovereignty is not symbolic. It is control over land, minerals, water, and the architecture of daily survival. His politics are not shaped for donor applause or international approval. There is no hiding behind human rights frameworks or soft-focus governance talk. It is the seizure of power and resources back into African hands. In South Africa, the trajectory moves through an entirely different landscape. This is not simply a matter of corruption or failed governance. What unfolds before us, under the weight of the so-called Government of National Unity, is the multi-pronged roll-out of a corporate and state-driven war on African life, African collectivism, African revolutionary possibility. Mass unemployment, dispossession, the collapse of public health, the erosion of education, militarised policing in the townships, the criminalisation of Black masculinity, systemic violence against women and children, vigilante terror, and the suffocating normalisation of African poverty form the architecture of this war. Circling around it are the donor-funded NGO campaigns, the media spectacles, the safety and social cohesion projects, the curated dialogues, the public rituals of 'reform' designed to seduce people into believing the system is repairing itself. But this system is not repairing. It is evolving. It is refining. It is perfecting its capacity for devastation. The mining-industrial complex is its central engine. Multinational corporations, ANC elites, DA neoliberals, white monopoly capital, comprador classes – each holds its place in the circuitry. African minerals are ripped from the earth by the destruction of Black labour and Black communities. These minerals flow outward, become weapons, electronics, luxury goods, industrial tools, then return to the continent as commodities priced beyond African control. African economies are locked as suppliers, locked as dependent consumers, locked out of ownership. The ANC operates as a broker between capital and the people, using the worn-out language of struggle to contain revolt while smoothing the way for foreign and local elite profits. The DA offers up a streamlined neoliberalism, promising efficiency to investors. These are not rival projects. They are two faces of the same extractive order. Black-on-Black violence is treated as an inevitable pathology, but it is not accidental. It is actively produced and inflamed to keep the population fragmented. Township disorder, ethnic tensions, factionalised politics, so-called xenophobic attacks pull public attention away from the mineral contracts, the land transfers, the capital flows. They become the ground on which militarised policing expands, where repression becomes ordinary, where state force in Black life is made common sense. Mining companies extract. Political elites contain. Media channels flood the public with images of chaos. Communities beg for order. The security apparatus swells. Investors relax. This is not dysfunction. This is design. The deepest violence is that the poor, the working class, and the Black middle class are swept into supporting the very system consuming them. Survival in untransformed spaces produces the desperate belief that safety comes through harder policing, tougher leadership, and stricter state control. There is no political party, no police general, no NGO or donor agency committed to protecting the African poor from the system that profits from their dispossession. They exist to protect the elite. Steve Biko wrote that the wealth of a country must ultimately be enjoyed by the people whose labour has created it, and that only on this basis can a just system be built. Without land, without mineral sovereignty, without water and food security, without collective control over the means of survival, there is no justice. There is only punishment, repression, and a deepening spectacle of containment dressed up as governance. When militarised crackdowns sweep through township streets, when extrajudicial killings dominate headlines, when clean-up operations leave death scattered in their aftermath, it is the poor who carry the weight. The spectacle is for the wealthy, for middle-class nerves, for investor confidence. For the poor, it escalates the risk of becoming the target, the casualty, the forgotten. The conditions tearing at South Africa's majority – mass unemployment, forced removals, gangsterism seeded by economic hopelessness, relentless insecurity – will never be addressed through trigger-happy authoritarianism. Uniformed raids, televised arrests, and open killing on the streets do not touch the core devastation. Only a revolutionary project like Traoré's – a project that fights for sovereignty, reclaims land and resources, breaks the stranglehold of foreign and local elites, and turns dignity into redistribution – carries the force to cut into the root. The tragedy is not only that the resource-deprived and exhausted poor are sacrificed for the security of the elite. It is that they are drawn into cheering for it, pulled into the fantasy that the war crushing them is being waged on their behalf. This is the final cruelty of the neoliberal state: to transform the oppressed into spectators of their own suppression, applauding as the spectacle moves forward, until the moment the weapons shift and the streets erupt and the false skin of protection is torn away. Marikana was not an episode. It became the template. It became the blueprint for how to discipline the Black working class the moment it threatens to interrupt extraction. The public is taught to demand more policing, more militarisation, more containment. The true architects of dispossession – the mining bosses, the landowners, the financiers, the global firms – remain protected. And Marikana never ended. It rolls out over many landscapes and locations in the brutal killing of the poor. South Africa is not crumbling. It is functioning precisely as designed. Global capital flows through it with surgical precision, co-opting popular figures, funding intelligence-linked NGOs, saturating media space with distraction, and keeping the pipelines of extraction unbroken. As a white South African, I have been inside academia, media, and the NGO world, witnessing firsthand how whiteness operates – how it slips easily into human rights language, donor discourse, and faux social justice branding. The human rights and NGO industrial complex is not a space of care. It is camouflage. It is capture. It is part of the machinery that feeds on African dispossession while performing the language of solidarity, protection, and benevolence. It is the shield that pacifies, the soft cover that allows the most brutal devastations to proceed without interruption. It functions as a carefully engineered buffer zone against the inevitable explosion of Black rage. This, I have come to name for what it is – not humane, not beneficial, but a cold, deliberate, knowing evil. And it is why I know with clarity that no commission, no election, no imported model will transform this system designed to preserve the wealth and power of the privileged while managing, containing, and brutalising the poor. Only full-scale revolution will alter the material and ontological condition of the majority. Only the radical reclaiming of what has been stolen will break the cycle. Today, perhaps, a South African Traoré has been born. Perhaps she or he is a child now, waiting to emerge. But liberation will not come from one leader alone. The people of South Africa will rise. They will cast off foreign capital, expel comprador elites, break white monopoly power, dismantle intelligence-embedded NGOs, strip donor gatekeepers of legitimacy, and unseat the local managers of empire. The future will be reclaimed by African hands because behind this orchestrated roll-out of Black-on-Black violence, the collective spirit of the ancestors continues to whisper that the work of liberation can no longer be postponed. That whisper is already thickening, already gathering at the edges of the present, and soon it will break into a scream that will shatter a system that has no intention of yielding, no intention of returning what has been stolen, no intention of loving or respecting the people to whom this land belongs. It will take everything until it is forced to stop. And that force is rising. Ibrahim Traoré's revolutionary stance in Burkina Faso challenges the status quo, while South Africa grapples with systemic injustices and the struggle for true sovereignty. Image: IOL *Gillian Schutte is a film-maker, and a well-known social justice and race-justice activist and public intellectual. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.

Kenyan president makes u-turn on police violence stance as protests escalate
Kenyan president makes u-turn on police violence stance as protests escalate

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time4 hours ago

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Kenyan president makes u-turn on police violence stance as protests escalate

President Ruto, once a vocal critic of police brutality, now supports violent suppression of protests, raising fears of a return to autocratic rule in Kenya. A young woman reacts as young activists, friends and family members surround the coffin of Boniface Kariuki, a street hawker who died from gunshot wounds days after being shot by Kenyan police during nationwide protests against police violence and government policies, during his funeral in a village near Kangema on July 11, 2025. Picture: Luis Tato / AFP When Kenyan President William Ruto took office in 2022, he pledged to end police brutality. Three years on, he has instructed officers to shoot violent protesters 'in the leg'. Over the past year, the east African country has been grappling with waves of demonstrations, initially over economic stagnation and corruption but later broadening out to police violence, a long-standing issue in the country of 55 million. The protests have been met with increasingly fierce repression, rights groups say, leaving dozens dead. Kenyan authorities have justified their heavy-handed response by pointing to violence and looting during the demonstrations, while rights groups allege that some of this unrest is the work of paid thugs acting alongside officers to stir mayhem. A more belligerent tone In 2023, a year after disbanding a notorious police squad, Ruto said: 'I made a promise during my campaign trail that I would stop extrajudicial killings.' 'No mother, no Kenyan will die under circumstances that the government of Kenya cannot explain,' he added. Such comments seem a long way away now, as the president has struck a more belligerent tone, condemning the rallies and systematically backing police officers. More than 100 people have died since anti-government demonstrations broke out in June of last year, according to rights groups, with 38 dying in the latest rally on July 7. Ruto has alleged those behind the protests are attempting 'to overthrow the government' and that any attack on a police officer or station is a 'declaration of war'. Two days after the July 7 demonstration, he said violent protesters should be 'shot in the leg'. ALSO READ: Kenya's president warns against bid to 'overthrow' govt by protests 'Losing it' Ruto's comments have been met with shock and anger by parts of the population. 'The president is losing it,' wrote Kenyan newspaper The Standard in an editorial, with another frontpage that read: 'Kenya sliding into tyranny'. 'Whether he's instructing police to shoot in the leg or wherever… let us just take it for what it is,' said Otsieno Namwaya, a researcher with Human Rights Watch. 'It is a shoot-to-kill order,' he added. Karuti Kanyinga, a political researcher at the University of Nairobi, said the government's heavy-handed response to protests reminded him of the 1990s, when Kenya suffered years of autocratic rule by then-president Daniel arap Moi. Ruto himself has said he is a 'student' of the former leader, cutting his political teeth in the youth league of Moi's party. 'We are on a cliff and the possibility of going to a very violent period, like the post-election violence period of 2007, is very high,' said Kanyinga. 'I think he's preparing to move into a tougher, repressive phase in his regime,' he said of Ruto. Cases of abductions — a prominent feature of the Moi era — have risen sharply since the protests began, according to several rights groups, which estimate more than 80 abductions have occurred over the past year, with dozens still missing. Ruto initially said there had been no abductions. He later promised to end disappearances and ensured that all abducted individuals had been 'returned to their families'. ALSO READ: Kenyan cop faces possible murder charge for rally bystander's death But some of these families are still searching for their loved ones. 'Cannot be held hostage' The rhetoric from those around the president has also intensified. 'We have told the police that anyone who comes near a police station: shoot them,' interior minister Kipchumba Murkomen told a crowd on June 26. He later claimed the remarks, caught on camera, had been taken out of context. The government's defence committee chairman was also filmed calling for 'shoot-to-kill' during rallies. Also backing Ruto is Christopher Aseka, a lawmaker who over the weekend rejected suggestions that the president had endorsed such orders. 'He is simply saying, if you are caught burning a police station or destroying public infrastructure, you will be immobilised,' Aseka told a crowd. Parts of Nairobi's outskirts saw looting and vandalism during the June and July protests, with the interior ministry saying hundreds of officers were injured. 'This country cannot be held hostage by a few rogue individuals,' Aseka added. ALSO READ: Eight killed as deadly clashes erupt in Kenya on protest anniversary 'Dictatorship 101' Pro-democracy protests last week to mark Saba Saba day — the anniversary of the bloody 1990 uprising that demanded a return to multi-party democracy after years of autocratic rule — were met by a heavy police presence and violence. Rights groups reported at least 38 deaths among protesters, while the government says only 17 people died. 'Saba Saba was the deadliest single day since the beginning of the demos' a year ago, said Africa Hussein Khalid, head of rights group Vocal. Protests also erupted in June over the death of teacher Albert Ojwang, who died in custody, with people marching in Nairobi against police brutality. The United Nations has condemned the use of force by Kenyan authorities. Contacted by AFP, a government spokesperson pointed to Ruto's full remarks last week to 'understand the context', without answering further questions. But for many rights defenders, Saba Saba marked a new low. 'Ruto defended the police without saying a single word for the victims,' Khalid, from Vocal, said. 'The force is used to silence dissent,' he said. 'It is dictatorship 101.' NOW READ: Motorbike-riding 'goons' attack Kenya protesters

Court sides with Amarula in trademark battle over rival's name
Court sides with Amarula in trademark battle over rival's name

IOL News

time5 hours ago

  • IOL News

Court sides with Amarula in trademark battle over rival's name

Noble Spirits has lost its bid to appeal a decision banning it from launching a competitor to Distell's world-famous Amarula because the new product's name was too similar. A new would-be player in the marula liqueur game, Noble Spirits, has lost its bid to appeal a decision banning it from launching a competitor to Distell's world-famous Amarula because the new product's name was too similar. In a judgment handed down, the Western Cape High Court found in favour of Distell's subsidiary Southern Liqueur Company, when rival Noble Spirits took a previous matter on appeal. Towards the end of last year, Distell went to the same court in a bid to stop Noble from launching a marula alcoholic drink called Afrula. In that bid, Distell was successful as the Judge ruled that Distell 'acquired a clear and protectable right and that the infringement of such rights causes it potential harm or potential injury'. Distell first learnt that Noble aimed to get the Afrula name trademarked in April 2019, at which time the legal battle started. The Amarula maker argued that, not only were the names similar, but also the fact that the label had what looked like an elephant – like its own product – would confuse customers. Amarula as a brand has been in use since September 1989. Noble stated that this was not a side view of an elephant head, but rather a side view of an African woman. Distell's competitor also argued that Distell 'cannot claim exclusive right to monopolize the word 'marula' thereby restricting its ordinary usage in the English language by other traders,' the November 2024 judgement read.

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