Reports of explosion in Udhampur, drone activity J&K are false: Government
The PIB's Fact Check Unit also dubbed as "fake" claims on social media that drones had been spotted in certain areas of Jammu and Kashmir."This claim is fake. There is no drone activity in Jammu and Kashmir," it said on X.Social media has been awash with various claims regarding the recent military conflict between India and Pakistan in wake of the April 22 terror attack in Pahalgam.The Indian Armed Forces carried out strikes against terror sites inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) in the early hours of Wednesday to avenge the attack.Pakistan retaliated by sending swarms of drones across the border into India at locations from Leh in Ladakh to Bhuj in Gujarat that were repulsed by the armed forces' air defence systems.advertisementPakistan reached out to India on Saturday with a request to cease the hostilities that was accepted only after a strong warning that any future misadventure would be dealt with firmly.
IN THIS STORY#Operation Sindoor#India-Pakistan
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Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Peacetime is nothing but ‘illusion', must remain prepared for uncertainty: Rajnath Singh
Defence minister Rajnath Singh at the Controllers Conference of the Defence Accounts Department in New Delhi on Monday NEW DELHI: Hailing the armed forces for the valour they displayed during Operation Sindoor post the Pahalgam terror attack , defence minister Rajnath Singh said on Monday that 'peace time is an illusion and India must remain prepared for any uncertainty'. The defence minister praised the armed forces for Operation Sindoor but said the larger geopolitical situation leaves no scope for complacency in the effort to enhance preparedness. 'A single delay or error in financial processes can directly affect operational preparedness,' said the minister while addressing the Controllers Conference of the Defence Accounts Department (DAD). Talking about rising demand for desi weapons of late, Rajnath said, 'The world is looking at our defence sector with new respect. Operation Sindoor has boosted global demand for our indigenous armaments. Most of the equipment we once imported is now being made in India. Our reforms are succeeding because of the clarity of vision and commitment at the highest level. Sudden developments can force a complete shift in our financial and operational posture. ' The minister spoke in the presence of Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan, Army chief General Upendra Dwivedi, Navy chief Admiral Dinesh K. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 5 Books Warren Buffett Wants You to Read In 2025 Blinkist: Warren Buffett's Reading List Undo Tripathi, IAF chief Air Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh and defence secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh at the conference. The govt has over the past few years allowed the armed forces to procure arms and ammunition through the 'emergency' route. Post-Operation Sindoor, it cleared a range of acquisitions for the armed forces. The armed forces have consistently complained, often publicly, about acquisitions being delayed because of the rigid approach of the bureaucracy and auditors. Rajnath called on DAD to evolve from a 'controller' to a 'facilitator' in sync with increasing participation of the private sector in defence. He praised DAD's new motto 'Alert, Agile, Adaptive' and noted that these are not mere words, but a reflection of the work culture required in today's rapidly evolving defence environment. 'Whether it's stepping up equipment production or adapting financial processes, we must be ready with innovative techniques and responsive systems at all times,' the minister said. Citing the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute report, which said global military expenditure reached $2.7 trillion in 2024, Rajnath said, 'This opens up tremendous opportunities for India's indigenous defence industries.' The minister also said that gone were the days when expenditure in the defence sector was only considered necessary and never viewed as an economic catalyst. 'Now, it is being seen as a spending which has a multiplier impact on the economy,' he said. 'Earlier, there was no assessment of the economic impact of expenditure on security but things have changed now when investment in re-armament is rising exponentially. We need to pay special attention to defence economics,' he said. Singh said India, along with the rest of the world, is entering a new phase of re-armament, marked by capital-intensive investments in the defence sector. He called upon DAD to incorporate defence economics in their planning and assessments, including social impact analysis of R&D projects and dual-use technologies. Highlighting the increasing strategic and economic significance of the defence sector, Rajnath called for a shift in perception from defence spending as mere expenditure to an economic investment with multiplier impact. 'Until recently, defence budgets were not seen as part of the national economy. Today, they are growth drivers,' he said.
Deccan Herald
2 hours ago
- Deccan Herald
When tactical successes don't translate to peace
On June 13, Israel launched Operation Rising Lion with a spectacular attack targeting Iran's top military commanders and nuclear scientists. In the currently popular Indian parlance, it would be called ghar mein ghus ke maarna (roughly translated as 'hitting the enemy in his den') – a policy that has all along evoked admiration among a section of opinion in India and an urge to emulate in May, India had put up its best yet publicised performance of the above policy by launching Operation Sindoor targeting top symbols of Pakistan's brazen terror. Both attacks were followed by an aerial war. However, barring a key aspect examined at the end of this essay, the similarity between the two situations ends Israel has lived in a perennial state of conflict and spends around 9% of its GDP on defence. In contrast, India spends barely 2%, admittedly with a larger GDP, but also much larger security challenges. Second, there is no parallel between the two situations from the moral and international law angle. India's legitimate fight has been against Pakistan's attempts from its inception to change the territorial status quo and destabilise India through overt and covert warfare. On the other hand, Israel's policy, especially in respect of the Palestinians, has violated all norms of international Israel is up against militarily far weaker adversaries and at best a nuclear threshold state in Iran, but one that is no match for the technological superiority of the US-supplied Israeli war machine. India, on the other hand, faces two nuclear-armed neighbours. Pakistan's war machine is not much inferior to India's and its backer – China – possesses formidable military power. This imposes limitations on India's ability to the Israeli attacks, combined with the US bombardment of key nuclear facilities, caused considerable damage in Iran after its air defences were largely neutralised. The damage caused by India to Pakistan's military installations was no match. According to the information from official sources, India was able to neutralise Pakistan's air defences sufficiently to be able to successfully attack airbases in the early hours of May 10. Our official discourse also maintains that Pakistan was chastened enough by this stage to ask for a ceasefire. Why India did not press home this advantage remains unclear. In raising this aspect, I have in mind further degradation of Pakistan's war machine and not unrealistic expectations generated by our political and strategic discourse, such as taking back PoK or Haji Pir etc. that were voiced in the wake of the in the UN debates and voting on resolutions, Israel appears isolated. But it is militarily the most powerful country in its region and no longer faces any meaningful opposition from the Arab world. It enjoys solid US backing. Other Western countries may disagree with it on Palestine, but share its goal of preventing Iran from going contrast, we are now pretty much on our own in dealing with the security challenge from Pakistan. While there was widespread condemnation of the Pahalgam terror attack, no country named Pakistan as the perpetrator, and there were multiple calls for restraint from the international community wary of a wider war between two nuclear-armed countries. China's support for Pakistan was palpable during the conflict, and India's bugbear Field Marshal Asim Munir was the toast of the White House not too long China's iron brother Pakistan continues to be valuable to Washington too, albeit transactionally, because of its geographic location. Further, if we are aiming at reviving the level of international focus on terrorism that prevailed for a decade plus after 9/11, we may be in for disappointment. The global agenda has moved on. While robust deterrence and coercion are indispensable in dealing with Pakistan, the foregoing provides a reality check for those with the desire to emulate Israel..A measured over the years, Israel has notched up several brilliant tactical successes against its adversaries, but has no peace. The Palestinian problem continues to fester, and estimates of a setback to Iran's nuclear programme range from a few months to a few years. Most credible observers believe that only diplomacy can achieve its enduring capping. Israel has shunned diplomacy in dealing with its adversaries for several years now and has followed a policy, euphemistically described as mowing the grass, to degrade their military capabilities our case, notwithstanding the brilliant tactical success of Operation Sindoor, we are nowhere close to putting an end to Pakistan's terror, much less resolving our larger Pakistan problem. Pakistan's terror infrastructure is largely intact. Asim Munir's position has strengthened, at least for now. Following the Mumbai terror attack, we progressively abandoned bilateral diplomacy with Pakistan, castigating it for having failed to change the conduct of the Pakistani state. Pakistan's hardline posture under Asim Munir, combined with the justified anger of the Indian public at Pakistan's conduct and Pakistan's salience in our electoral politics, makes its resumption extremely security-centric approach over the last few years has also failed to achieve the above goal. But for want of any other instrumentality, we cannot afford to dilute it. Therefore, we too may be faced with the need to mow the grass periodically, albeit in a field strewn with nuclear weapons. This is integral to the new normal announced by Prime Minister Modi on May 12..(The writer is a former High Commissioner to Pakistan and author of India's Pakistan Conundrum: Managing a Complex Relationship)
Indian Express
3 hours ago
- Indian Express
Post Operation Sindoor, private sector may see big push for defence manufacturing
WITH A specific thrust on the need to 'leverage the buying power' of the government, authorities are learnt to have reached out to industry bodies and multiple private defence manufacturing companies to elicit active participation in defence manufacturing. There is likely to be a greater push for enhanced indigenous arms manufacturing of items such as artillery guns, missiles, loitering and precision-guided munitions, and military-grade drones in the backdrop of Operation Sindoor. The government is pivoting towards a leaner equipment procurement model that involves leveraging the private sector to a much greater extent, giving key players visibility in terms of future orders and taking recourse to provisions such as deemed licensing to tide over procedural hurdles. Specific measures on the anvil include plans to compress procurement schedules to around two years from an average of about six years currently for big orders, as was done for the Rafale Marine aircraft procured by the Navy, a top government official told The Indian Express. A model involving research and development (R&D) by public sector undertakings (PSUs), sometimes jointly with the private sector players, and the production then being entrusted to the private company, as was done for DRDO-designed 5.56x45mm CQB Carbine that is now being manufactured by Bharat Forge after a tender process, is likely to be replicated for more equipment. In case of drones, the idea is to shortlist up to five manufacturers of civilian drones that have the capacity to expand to military-grade ones, and offer them government support for technology tie-ups and order book guidance. While the private sector defence manufacturing companies were asked to step up their production during the escalation in hostilities between India and Pakistan in May following the Pahalgam terror attack, with many responding by a three-shift production operation, the renewed push is now being made to boost domestic defence production and fully 'harness the power of industry', the official said. 'The government has clearly stated its intent of not being restrictive in its spending powers for defence. We have to harness the power of industry, whether it is PSUs, private sector companies or startups. They have to leverage the buying power of the government. And, this should trigger private investment to ensure a diversified industrial ecosystem, especially for small arms manufacturing. The private sector, including the MSMEs, need to step up to fully make use of the situation, defence manufacturing can't be confined to just the public sector,' the official said. The focus would also be on export of items where India has 'good capacity', including high-demand items such as 155mm shells due to the ongoing conflict in Europe. Defence procurement norms revision The government is also working towards revising the Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP) 2020 to streamline the defence procurement process. A compression of the documentation manual, co-development with the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), and a competitive bidding procurement procedure through tenders and not nominations are going to be the key focus areas for the proposed DAP 2025 that is likely to be ready in about eight months. Efforts are underway to make DAP 2025 less voluminous and more practical, especially the broader objective of fostering private participation in India's defence sector. GIVEN THAT the nature of warfare is changing, an area where there is likely to be a greater thrust post-Op Sindoor is standoff weapons, including missiles, drones. The government is also working to update its Defence Acquisition Procedure to streamline the procurement process, elicit greater industry participation, and compress acquisition timelines. In case of drones, three to five manufacturers have some capacity to expand from civilian drones to military-grade ones. Given that this market is a monopsony — the government as the only buyer — the plan is to use its buying power to give visibility in terms of orders to that manufacturing ecosystem. There is also a renewed focus on a consortium approach, involving PSUs and private companies. A model could involve R&D by PSUs such as DRDO, sometimes in partnership with the private sector players, and the production then being left to the private company. The intent is to encourage these layers through orders and give them some visibility into the future orders so that they start investing in this area, including tying up with the technologies from abroad. 'We will try to ensure this by speeding up procurement and by giving them visibility in terms of orders,' an official said. The DRDO-designed 5.56x45mm CQB Carbine, now being manufactured by Bharat Forge, after being selected as the lowest bidder in the Army's procurement tender for over 4.23 lakh carbine units, is a case in point. This carbine, developed by the Armament Research and Development Establishment and Bharat Forge, is a close-quarter battle weapon intended for urban warfare and counter-insurgency operations. Compressing field evaluation trials is already something that is work-in-progress, the official said. The acquisition of the Rafale Marine aircraft, which was done in about 24 months as against the typical time frame of 5-6 years for a big order, is serving as a key example for reduced procurement timeline. The Inter-Governmental Agreement between India and France of the contract for India's acquisition of 26 Rafale Marine to equip the Indian Navy was signed in April 2025. This contract followed the announcement in July 2023 of the selection of the Rafale Marine, for which the Indian Navy will be the first user outside France, after an international consultation process. Defence expenditure push While there may not be an immediate need for revision of the record defence budget, officials said there could be a slight increase in spending over and above the allocated amount in the Budget for 2025-26. 'We are well on track for defence spending in the first quarter. Larger procurements anyway take time, the contracts are of around 5 years duration, but rest of the spending is on track. Till the end of June, around 17-18 per cent of the defence modernisation budget has been spent. There might be a slight upward revision, we'll see when we reach that stage,' the official said. According to the latest data by the Controller General of Accounts, the Ministry of Defence had spent 14 per cent or Rs 24,730 crore till May-end out of its total budgeted capital expenditure Rs 1.8 lakh crore for FY26. The Ministry had spent just 4 per cent of its budgeted amount in the corresponding period of the previous financial year. Emergency procurement is also likely to account for about 15 per cent of the overall allocation this year, much of that initiated during Operation Sindoor. That, combined with the stepped up pace of current expenditure, officials expect the allocation to be fully protected at the revised estimate stage and if there are additional requirements, the Ministry of Finance has assured the Ministry of Defence that on capex, there would be no constraint on the Rs 1.8 lakh crore spend.
