India is way too eager to embrace Trump's America

Russia Today

20-02-2025

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's working visit to the White House in Washington on February 13 sends a message that India is in a hurry to align with the United States, something it shrewdly avoided over the 75 years since liberation from British colonial rule. It stems from India's quest to carve out a place in the sun, a dream assiduously fostered by the Hindu nationalist government, which the country's elites largely have come to equate with a geopolitical alliance with the US.
Of course, there is the flip side to it insofar as getting closer to the sun has its inherent dangers; the moral of the Icarus myth of ancient Greeks.
The Trump administration hallmark seems to combine a religious zeal with a frankly colonial approach, which morally, politically and geopolitically, should be anathema to Indian sensibilities.
A realistic assessment is lacking among Indian elites about the international situation, almost entirely attributable to their delusional thinking that the US can help India become a superpower to match China.
Thus, a talking point for Modi with Trump might well have been the revival of the moribund India-Middle East Economic Corridor (IMEC) to rival China's belt and road initiative. But then Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu's blurted out that Saudi Arabia could be an ideal location to resettle Palestinians evicted from Gaza. Riyadh, which could have been the IMEC's main financier, went ballistic.
India has not uttered a word about the US-Israeli plans for ethnic cleansing in Gaza or Trump's bizarre idea of taking over Gaza and transforming into the Riviera of the Middle East — something that has drawn criticism from the rest of the world — and support for the Abraham Accords. It's the unipolar predicament, stupid!
Trump is unceremoniously cutting loose his European allies and expects them to fend for themselves, following the NATO's defeat in Ukraine. This vista arose when the new US Defence Secretary Peter Hegseth made his maiden appearance at the NATO defence ministers meeting in Brussels last week.
When asked about US commitment to Article 5 of NATO charter on collective security, Hegseth instead drew attention to Article 3 on the principle of resilience, which says, 'In order more effectively to achieve the objectives of this (NATO) Treaty, the Parties, separately and jointly, by means of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid, will maintain and develop their individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack.'
What took the breath away was the plain speaking a couple of days later by Vice President J.D. Vance in his fiery remarks at the Munich Security Conference. He laid bare the collapse of the transatlantic alliance and signalled that the dispute between Europe and the US is no longer to do with sharing military burdens, or a perceived threat from Russia, but something more fundamental about Europe's society and political economy.
The greatest danger to Europe, Vance underscored, was not Russia, not China, but a 'danger from within'. Vance portrayed a continent that has lost its way, and stopped just short of warning that the moral purpose of NATO itself is falling away.
Indeed, the implications for Ukraine are enormous. It was left to Vladimir Zelensky to later lament at the Munich event: 'The US vice-president made it clear: decades of the old relationship between Europe and America are ending. From now on, things will be different, and Europe needs to adjust to that.'
How come when history is unfolding, the Indian elites behave like lotus eaters, myopic about the magnitude of US retrenchment? The malaise is prevalent even among India's elites in Congressan and its opposition party. The elites are oblivious to the geopolitical reality, that war is not an option for the US vis-a-vis China (if it ever was.) Basically, Trump is intensely conscious that the US should not exhaust its resources by waging wars and, therefore, must avoid making hollow promises to leaders like Modi or Netanyahu.
In fact, at the joint press conference with Modi on Friday, Trump openly called for peace between India and China and offered to help. Gone are the days when Americans would encourage India to show the middle finger to China across the Himalayas and the elites in India would get ecstatic. Trump also never once mentioned Quad group comprising Australia, India, Japan, and the US.
China's role as the economic engine that drives the world economy seems to weigh on Trump's mind 24/7. Whereas the US ended 2024 with a trade deficit exceeding one trillion dollars, China chalked up a trade surplus of the same amount! Trump openly acknowledged the global tech power shift following the arrival of China's AI model DeepSeek.
The bottom line is that Trump played Modi nicely by praising him as a 'tough negotiator' while also holding in suspended animation the weaponisation of 'reciprocal tariffs' like a sword of Damocles, to ensure India's good behaviour. And he ended up selling to India an additional $10 billion of energy annually, generating an export business of anywhere between $15bn to $25bn a year.
Trump sees the Modi government as a milch cow for lubricating America First and coaxes it to buy more weaponry from American vendors, including F-35 stealth fighters. According to a report last February by the US Government Accountability Office, it would take the Modi government at least $1.7 Trillion to purchase, operate and sustain F-35's through the aircraft's 66-year life cycle, due to high maintenance costs and developmental delays. In geopolitical terms, the purchase of such a futuristic weapon system virtually 'locks in' India as a US ally.
Where is it that Indian vulnerability lies is anybody's guess. Modi's visit to the US in such unseemly haste to insert India into Trump's foreign policy toolbox exposes clueless policymakers in Delhi in a dynamic global geopolitical environment.
A strategy of multi-alignment anchored firmly on India's time-tested relationship with Russia is an available option that suits India's needs,preserves its strategic autonomy and independent foreign policy. And that when the Trump administration too intends to 'potentially work together (with Russia).'
But at the joint press conference with Trump, Modi preferred to harmonise with the US stance on the Ukraine war, he robustly asserted India's distance from Moscow and equidistance vis-a-vis Moscow and Kiev, and he went on to echo Trump's mantra of an immediate ceasefire for vicarious reasons in the American interest.
What was the need to flaunt such eagerness when a peace settlement on Russia's terms is a plausible outcome, it appears, and is something Trump himself may have come to accept? Indeed, the paradox is, a nadir has been reached in the Indian elites' unipolar predicament at a juncture when even the Trump administration is getting accustomed to the growing signs of multipolarity in the world order, which renders obsolete the cold war style 'bloc mentality'.