
How America is amassing its might against Iran as aircraft carrier 'strike groups' and fighter squadrons zero in on the region
If one aircraft carrier 'Strike Group' loitering in the Mediterranean Sea was not sufficiently intimidating, these warships, carrying nine squadrons of combat aircraft, will soon be joined by more. Last night a second 'Strike Group', led by the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier USS Nimitz, was steaming towards the region, effectively doubling the US Navy's lethality.
The 50-year-old Nimitz is due to be decommissioned next year. Its involvement in any operations against Iran would 'right the wrongs of history', according to US defence sources, because the carrier was involved in Operation Eagle Claw, an aborted mission to rescue US hostages held in Iran in 1980.
In addition to these two Strike Groups, the US Navy has directed destroyer USS Thomas Hudner to sail east across the Mediterranean. A second destroyer has also been made ready while two more loitering in the Red Sea could also be called upon. There are also further US Navy assets in Bahrain.
The most likely contribution by the US in the days ahead could be provided by its long-range bomber aircraft equipped with bunker-busting bombs.
Iranian nuclear facilities are buried hundreds of feet underground but US B-2 bombers can carry GBU-57 'Massive Ordnance Penetrators' – 20ft-long missiles, weighing 30,000lb, which can strike targets up to 200ft underground. Their 5,000lb explosive payloads detonate once they have tunnelled into the ground.
White House officials said last night that strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities 'were on the table'.
The B-2s are based 3,500 miles away at the joint US/UK military base at Diego Garcia in the Pacific Ocean, the Chagos Island Keir Starmer recently surrendered to the China-friendly Mauritius. At Prestwick Airport in Scotland –which is used by the US to refuel its aircraft for long-distance journeys to places such as the Middle East – aircraft, including the US Air Force Boeing C-17 Globemaster III carrier, which transports troops and tanks, were seen.
There are also 46,000 US military personnel stationed in the Gulf and Middle East at eight permanent bases in Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
The largest US air base in the region is Al Udeid in Qatar – a 60-acre site with almost 100 manned aircraft and a fleet of drones. The largest US Navy facility is in Bahrain, home to its Fifth Fleet. It provides security for commercial shipping under threat of aerial attacks from Houthi rebels based in Yemen.
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The Independent
28 minutes ago
- The Independent
Amnesty International says Israel and aid system use starvation to commit Gaza genocide
Amnesty International issued a report Thursday claiming a controversial Israel i- and U.S.-backed system to distribute aid in Gaza uses starvation tactics against Palestinians to continue to commit genocide in the Gaza Strip during Israel's war with Hamas. The U.K.-based human rights group condemned Israel and the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which the U.S. and Israel have backed to take over aid distribution in Gaza from a network led by the United Nations. Israel's foreign minister denounced the Amnesty report, saying the organization has 'joined forces with Hamas and fully adopted all of its propaganda lies.' Gaza's Health Ministry says more than 500 Palestinians have been killed at or near GHF distribution centers over the past month. The centers are guarded by private security contractors and located near Israeli military positions. Palestinian officials and witnesses have accused Israeli forces of opening fire at crowds of people moving near the sites. The Amnesty report said Israel has 'turned aid-seeking into a booby trap for desperate starved Palestinians' through GHF's militarized hubs. The conditions have created "a deadly mix of hunger and disease pushing the population past breaking point.' 'This devastating daily loss of life as desperate Palestinians try to collect aid is the consequence of their deliberate targeting by Israeli forces and the foreseeable consequence of irresponsible and lethal methods of distribution,' said Agnès Callamard, Amnesty's secretary general. Israel rejects claims The Israeli army says it has fired warning shots to control crowds and only fires at people it says are acting suspiciously. The Foreign Ministry and COGAT, the Israeli defense body in charge of coordinating aid to Gaza, said Israel has facilitated the entry of over 3,000 aid trucks into the Gaza Strip since May 19 and GHF has delivered boxes of food with the equivalent of 56 million meals. Humanitarian organizations say that amount is not nearly enough to meet overwhelming need in Gaza. GHF did not immediately return requests for comment. The World Food Programme says despite the new Israel-backed initiative, food consumption reached a critical low last month, with food diversity reaching its worst level since the conflict began. 'The continued closure of crossings, intensified violence since March, soaring food prices, and extremely limited humanitarian and commercial supplies have severely restricted access to even basic food items,' the WFP said in a June report. GHF hubs are close to Israeli military positions Amnesty's report follows a statement earlier this week from more than 165 major international charities and non-governmental organizations calling for an immediate end to the foundation. They say the new mechanism allows Israel to use food as a weapon, violates humanitarian principles and is ineffective. It's the latest sign of trouble for the GHF, a secretive initiative headed by an evangelical leader who is a close ally of President Donald Trump. Last month, the U.S. government pledged $30 million for the group to continue operation, the first known U.S. donation to the group, whose other funding sources remain opaque. GHF started distributing aid May 26 following a nearly three-month Israeli blockade that pushed Gaza's population of more than 2 million to the brink of famine. Palestinian witnesses have describe scenes of chaos around the distribution sites, and two contractors in the operation have told The Associated Press that colleagues fired live ammunition and stun grenades toward crowds of people. Palestinians often must travel long distances to reach the sites. In a statement Tuesday, GHF rejected criticism of its operations and claimed it has delivered more than 52 million meals to hungry Palestinians. 'Instead of bickering and throwing insults from the sidelines, we would welcome other humanitarian groups to join us and feed the people in Gaza,' GHF said. GHF has called for Israel's military to investigate the allegations from Gaza's Health Ministry, but last month the organization said there has been no violence in or around its centers and its personnel have not opened fire. Israel demanded the alternative plan because it accuses Hamas of siphoning off aid. The U.N. and aid groups deny there is significant diversion. Amnesty's allegations of genocide Amnesty accused Israel last year of committing genocide in the Gaza Strip during its war with Hamas, saying it has sought to deliberately destroy Palestinians by mounting deadly attacks, demolishing vital infrastructure, and preventing the delivery of food, medicine and other aid. Israel, which was founded in the aftermath of the Holocaust, has adamantly rejected genocide allegations against it as an antisemitic 'blood libel.' It is challenging such allegations filed by South Africa at the International Court of Justice and has rejected the International Criminal Court's accusations that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defense minister committed war crimes in Gaza. ___ Dazio reported from Berlin. ___


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
America is over neoliberalism and neoconservatism. Trump is not
The convergence of the US Senate's passage of Donald Trump's so-called 'big, beautiful bill' in domestic policy with his strike on Iran in foreign policy has finally resolved the meaning of his presidency. His place in history is now clear. His rise, like that of a reawakened left, indicated that America is ready to move on from its long era of neoliberalism and neoconservatism. In office, Trump has blocked the exits by doubling down on both. The first of those slurs, neoliberalism, refers to the commitment across the political spectrum to use government to protect markets and their hierarchies, rather than to moderate or undo them. The second, neoconservatism, is epitomized by a belligerent and militaristic foreign policy. The domestic policy bill now making its way through Congress, with its payoff to the rich and punishment of the poor, is a monument to neoliberalism, the Iran strike a revival of neoconservatism. Up to now, uncertainty about Trump's place in history has prevailed, in part because he has done little and dithered so much. From before he took office, apocalyptic premonition of the doom he might bring reigned supreme. Everyone assumed that the Trump era was going to be different, disagreeing only about the exact shape of the horror. On the right, some projected their hopes for transformation on the president, anticipating a different future, wishcasting without knowing whether (or when) their leader would side with them. Now, with his bill and his bombing, Trump has confirmed beyond any doubt that he is a man of a familiar past instead. Though the damage that neoliberalism and neoconservatism wrought helped make Trump's charlatanry a credible choice for millions, the man himself stands for the eternal return of those very same policies. Trump's appeal to the working class and more measured rhetoric about war from the start of his political career suggested that he might renege on these two dominant creeds from the beltway 'swamp'. He renewed them both instead. This is where Trump's ultimate significance so clearly lies: in continuity, not change. He busted a lot of norms from the first in 2017. Cries of abnormalcy and authoritarianism arose before there was evidence to back them – and evidence has accumulated through both terms. Charlottesville and January 6 in the first – intimations of deeper reservoirs of hate that could come out of American woodwork, with Trump coyly pandering to the mobs – were preludes to both mass and targeted immigration roundups in this term, reminiscent of classical fascism. Yet climactically, and when it mattered most, Trump has chosen to walk in lockstep with the dead consensus in domestic and foreign policy of the past half century – not merely among conservatives, but among many liberals. Americans do best when the rich do best of all, with the poor punished for crime and sloth: that has long been our outlook. And the country must go it alone with military force, in order to back our interests or principles or both, Americans have long presumed. Neoliberalism and neoconservatism each has more complexity than this – but, leaning into both, Trump has shown in recent weeks they are not much more complicated either. And if so, Trump is far more a politician of American continuity with the past 50 years than many originally feared (or hoped). The 'beautiful' domestic policy bill is one of the morally ugliest in American history. Making Trump's signature tax cuts from his first term permanent requires both draconian cuts to programs (Medicaid for the poor, worst of all) and piling up even more debt for future generations to figure out. It turns out that Ronald Reagan and the Democrats who followed him in lowering taxation and 'reforming' welfare (including by imposing work requirements, as this bill does) were not in another world from Trump. He is in theirs. Revealingly, the main trouble that Trump faced in getting the obscenity of a bill passed – and that he still faces in the House – is convincing Republicans who claim to hate deficit spending so much to rationalize even greater cuts to welfare. On the world stage, Trump has longed for the recognition of a Nobel peace prize. But the deals he thinks will deserve it have proved elusive. In Israel/Palestine, the ceasefire he helped force has broken down and the civilian toll has worsened. In Ukraine, the considerable distance between the warring parties has meant that Trump has not managed to either antagonize or lure either to come to terms. Unlike during his first four years, his Iran intervention means that, rather than bringing peace, exacerbating war is his foreign policy legacy for now. Squandering the inclinations of his base and outraging many more lukewarm supporters sick of foreign entanglements, it was a surprise that he acted with the reckless militarism that was once American common sense. He is no doubt open to any deals that come his way – apparently thinking that Canada or Greenland should clamor to be annexed. But it was foolish in response to the early rhetoric of his second term to expect Trump to revert to expansionist war by sending troops. But in sending B-2 bombers on so escalatory a mission to Iran, he clarified his support for war – incurring risks like no other presidents have taken. If the peace he wants to brag about doesn't materialize, he is not above a dose of coercive violence. Ironically, Trump's warlike turn meant that a long list of his neoconservative 'never Trump' scourges became 'sometimes Trump' supporters overnight. Where populist Republicans have had to grit their teeth and support a neoliberal bill – so much for the working-class party they promised – it was even more spectacular that neoconservatives overcame the hatred for Trump that had helped them launder their former reputations for catastrophic warmongering. With neocon scion Bill Kristol in the lead, after the Iran strike they fawned over the man whom they had spent years castigating as irresponsible, or malignant, or both. No wonder: Trump, far from acting as an isolationist or realist, was executing one of the longest-held and longest-denied neoconservative fantasies: that bombing Iran's nuclear program off the map would work, and might have the fringe benefit of causing the regime to fall. It remains a fantasy. But Trump's place in history is now defined by that fantasy more than by any other foreign policy choice he has made so far. Like in his first term, when he ordered the assassination in Iraq of Iranian general and terror master Qassem Suleimani in 2020, Trump's strike on Iran's nuclear facilities was illegal. But as the saying goes, Trump's escalatory and risky use of bunker-busting munitions to wipe Fordow and other sites off the map was worse than a crime; it was a mistake. At best, it elicited a face-saving attack from Iran so that it could come to the negotiating table with a nuclear program to continue in the future; at worst, it will prompt Iran to intensify its efforts to achieve the weapon. And while Israel has certainly set back Iran's regional designs and capacity for sponsoring terror, there are no signs the regime will relent in its policies. With hopes that he might stand for restraint shredded, it is likelier that a lackey will find a place on Mount Rushmore than that Trump will get the call from Oslo he badly wants. But like the politicians whose faces are already carved in the granite of South Dakota, Trump is a man of the past – and never more clearly than in recent weeks, as America continues to look for someone to liberate it from the zombie neoliberalism and neoconservatism that still define their disastrous present and president. Samuel Moyn is the Kent professor of law and history at Yale University, where he also serves as head of Grace Hopper College


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Pentagon reviews arms exports to allies as munition stockpiles reportedly drop
The Pentagon has said that it is reviewing weapons deliveries to allies around the world as reports grow of concerns over dwindling stockpiles of crucial munitions including anti-air missiles. The announcement came after the White House confirmed that it was limiting deliveries of weapons to Ukraine to 'put America's interests first following a Department of Defense review of our nation's military support and assistance to other countries around the globe'. Those weapons were believed to include both offensive precision munitions such as Himars long-range missiles and 155mm artillery shells, and defensive Patriot anti-air missiles that are crucial for defending Ukrainian cities and energy infrastructure from Russian missile attacks. The Kremlin strikes have been condemned by most western leaders, including Donald Trump, who last week told a Ukrainian journalist that he would look for ways to deliver more Patriot missiles to Ukraine. Instead on Tuesday, deliveries of Patriot missiles and other munitions were reported to be halted because of a Department of Defense review inspired in part by the expenditure of hundreds of US interceptor air defense missiles, which were used to help protect Israeli cities as well as Qatar from Iranian bombardments during last month's war. On Wednesday, the Pentagon confirmed that its review of exports of US weapons could affect countries other than Ukraine, according to Sean Parnell, a defence department spokesperson, who said the review was ongoing. It was not clear if this could include Israel, which buys 68% of its foreign-sourced weapons from the US. Parnell's remarks came during a briefing in which he defended the review and pause in delivery of munitions to Ukraine but declined to discuss which specific munitions were being held back. 'A capability review is being conducted to ensure US military aid aligns with our defense priorities, and we will not be providing any updates to specific quantities or types of munitions being provided to Ukraine, or the timelines associated with these transfers,' he said. 'We see this as a commonsense pragmatic step … to evaluate what munitions are sent and where. But we want to be very clear about this last point. Let it be known that our military has everything that it needs to conduct any mission anywhere, anytime, all around the world.' On Wednesday, Kyiv warned that a halt in shipments from the US would weaken its ability to defend against intensifying airstrikes and battlefield advances. Sign up to Headlines US Get the most important US headlines and highlights emailed direct to you every morning after newsletter promotion Ukraine said it had called in the acting US envoy to Kyiv to underline the importance of military aid from Washington continuing, and cautioned that any cut-off would embolden Russia in its war in Ukraine. 'The Ukrainian side emphasised that any delay or procrastination in supporting Ukraine's defence capabilities will only encourage the aggressor to continue the war and terror, rather than seek peace,' Ukraine's foreign ministry said. The review was said to be carried out under the under secretary of defense for policy, Elbridge Colby, who leads a group of foreign policy thinkers who believe that the US should redirect resources from Europe and the Middle East toward combating the threat posed by China. The so-called prioritisers have powerful allies in the Republican party, including Vice-President JD Vance, who has been a prominent critic of US aid to Ukraine. 'For a long time, four years under the Biden administration, we were giving away weapons and munitions without really thinking about how many we have,' said Parnell. 'I think that this president was elected on putting this country first and defending the homeland and then you couple that with … a shift to the Indo-Pacific. Part of our job is to give the president a framework that he can use to evaluate how many munitions we have and where we're sending them.' Reuters contributed reporting