Moses Gqesha sentenced to eight life terms for the brutal rape of businesswoman Andy Kawa
Image: File
Moses Gqesha has been sentenced to eight life terms and 34 years for 12 counts including robbery, assault, theft and rape of Gauteng businesswoman Andy Kawa.
The sentence was handed down by the Eastern Cape High Court on Thursday. Gqesha attacked and raped Kawa in a terrifying night for nearly 15 hours near Kings Beach in December 2010 before she escaped in the morning.
In an emotional moment, Kawa's daughter confronted the convicted rapist in the court.
"This is absolutely unacceptable, you can't even look at me. You don't even have the courage to look at me, you're staring at the newspaper it is completely disgusting and unacceptable," she said.
After the ordeal, Kawa became a gender-based violence (GBV) advocate and author. She described the life-changing experience in a memoir. Kwanele, enough! My Battle with the SAPS to get Justice for Women.
The entrepreneur claimed the police did not do enough to find her that night, nor did they swiftly acquire physical evidence, question prospective suspects and witnesses, or investigate video footage, among other things.
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Advertisement
Next
Stay
Close ✕
In 2018, she recounted memories from the night of the attack.
She said that while immersing her feet in the ocean and texting a friend, she looked up and spotted a man who instantly made her feel uneasy. "The eyes, there was something about his eyes that caught my attention. He had very angry eyes," she said. "He grabbed me from the back and gave me a few punches, he told me not to shout, or he would kill me."
Kawa attempted to flee, but her attacker tied her down with a knife to her throat and threatened to murder her.
IOL News
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
IOL News
32 minutes ago
- IOL News
A Winter of Reckoning: Policing, Syndicates, and the Erosion of Command
A SA Police Service (SAPS) officer attempting to stop looting during the unrest that rocked KwaZulu Natal and Gauteng in July 2021. Image: | DOCTOR NGCOBO Independent Newspapers Clyde N.S. Ramalaine South Africa's winter has long echoed historic burdens, most notably the 1976 student uprising and the July 2021 unrest. The latter, labelled an insurrection by the Ramaphosa-led state, served as a politically expedient move, deflecting accountability while exposing racist violence in Phoenix, state brutality, and broken democratic promises. But July 2025 signals a new chapter, marked by exposures, high-level suspensions, and institutional decay, especially within the South African Police Service (SAPS). This 'Winter of Discontent' reveals not just negligence but a disturbing nexus of criminal syndicates, compromised police structures, and political interference. This is about more than corruption; it is about the erosion of command and a nation caught between exposure and accountability. At the centre of this storm is KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. His explosive 6 July statement shifted public discourse, revealing forensic links between weapons used in several high-profile assassinations, pointing to a coordinated network within the state's security structures. Mkhwanazi's disclosures are grounded in evidence: ballistic matches, arrests, and corroborated results. Weapons recovered in the murder of engineer Armand Swart matched those used in the 2022 assassination of DJ Sumbody and the attempted murder of Tebogo Thobejane. SAPS spokesperson Athlenda Mathe confirmed, 'All these three cases are linked somehow.' Four weapons, including the AK-47 used to kill DJ Sumbody, are now tied to at least 10 high-profile cases. By July 21, four suspects were arrested, including alleged kingpin Katiso 'KT' Molefe and three suspected hitmen: Michael Pule Tau, Tiego Floyd Mabusela, and Musa Kekana. SAPS confirmed the ballistics-linked weapons to at least ten cases, giving credibility to Mkhwanazi's claims and undermining counter-narratives, particularly Minister Senzo Mchunu's initial denials, later followed by admissions. Criticism of Mkhwanazi's motives came from UJ academic Steven Friedman, who suggested the disclosures reflected SAPS factionalism. But dismissing hard evidence as political theatre lacks integrity. Such scepticism risks masking the reality beneath elite commentary. The forensic backing and arrests demand honest reckoning, not theoretical dismissal. Another twist came via former Hawks boss Godfrey Lebeya, who admitted to receiving a tip-off—allegedly from someone linked to Molefe- about a Hawks operation. Lebeya redirected the Hawks, leading to an almost confrontation with SAPS. He has refused to name the caller, citing the pending Madlanga Judicial Commission. But the question remains: why do criminal suspects have such access to top law enforcement, while citizens struggle to report crimes? Equally disconcerting is the role of Brown Mogotsi, a politically connected figure who acted as a conduit between Mchunu and SAPS, despite having no formal position. Once active in North West politics and a vocal CR17 supporter, Mogotsi sent unsolicited WhatsApp directives to Mkhwanazi, claiming to speak for Mchunu. In a Checkpoint interview, he even claimed to be in Tanzania during the arrest of Thabo Bester and Nandipha Magudumana. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Mogotsi's ambiguous role, shadowy operative or media-seeking hero, underscores the breakdown of command in SAPS and the alarming closeness between politics and policing. His public activity illustrates political interference cloaked as operational engagement. The allegations surrounding Mchunu and Sibiya suggest obstruction. Mchunu disbanded the Political Killings Task Team (PKTT) investigating political assassinations, while over 120 dockets stalled. Mkhwanazi linked Sibiya to controversial figures, including Mogotsi and murder-accused businessman Vusimusi 'Cat' Matlala, through data from Matlala's cellphone. In Parliament, Mchunu denied knowing Mogotsi, only to later call him 'a comrade.' This contradiction borders on perjury. Moreover, critical dockets were reassigned to Sibiya without SAPS Commissioner Masemola's knowledge, suggesting an attempt to derail investigations. Sibiya has since taken legal action against SAPS for what he calls an unlawful suspension. President Ramaphosa's suspension of Gauteng Director of Public Prosecutions Advocate Andrew Chauke added to the month's turmoil. Is this accountability, or political housekeeping? Does it reflect NDPP Shamila Batohi's past warnings about compromised individuals within the NPA? July brought yet another subplot: Patriotic Alliance (PA) Deputy President Kenny Kunene, who was present at Molefe's arrest. Though uncharged, his presence drew attention. Kunene resigned from his City of Johannesburg post pending an internal party investigation. His background in media ownership, Weekly Xposé, Africa News 24-7, may explain his presence as a search for a scoop. Still, the PA's swift suspension of Kunene contrasts sharply with the ANC's inertia. Mchunu, shielded by executive privilege, remains untouched. In response to Mkhwanazi's disclosures, Ramaphosa announced three critical decisions on 13 July: the formation of a judicial commission, placing Mchunu on leave, and appointing Firoz Cachalia as acting minister. These moves are now under Constitutional Court review, with the uMkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP) challenging their legality. Should the court side with the MKP and strike down the announcements, the implications would be disruptive. Such a ruling would mark an institutional red card not just for executive overreach, but also against the President's ability to act in crisis. It could provoke a constitutional crisis, weaken the presidency's authority under Section 84, embolden adversaries questioning the legitimacy of state efforts to combat law enforcement capture, and further erode SAPS's fragile command. Worse, it might encourage those implicated to delay accountability under the guise of procedural propriety. The Madlanga Commission may not commence for three months and could take years to conclude. Meanwhile, overlapping investigations from Parliament, the Public Protector, and others have been launched. But are these parallel probes strategically sound, or dangerously duplicative? Witnesses may feel compromised about testifying before the commission begins, fearing political fallout or legal complications. Without coordination, these overlapping inquiries could harm the integrity of the entire process. Justice demands urgency, but also coherence. We've seen this before: Phala Phala produced more noise than resolution. Overlapping mandates, jurisdictional confusion, and political manoeuvring tactics create a fog that allows the guilty to vanish, locked in a sealed status. The more disjointed our accountability processes, the easier they become to manipulate. As July ends, one wonders: Will the judiciary be next? If Mkhwanazi's revelations are accurate, the rot reaches further into the justice system. Is South Africa ready for that confrontation? This winter may not deliver justice, but it has begun a reckoning, driven not by politicians but by a police commissioner with evidence. Mkhwanazi's bravery has shattered the silence. He's shown us a state entangled with criminality, protected by privilege, and nearing institutional collapse. As the Madlanga Commission awaits commencement, the spread of unaligned investigations risks confusion over clarity. Without coherence, justice may again be buried under politics. July 2025 has not answered every question, but it's raised the ones we can no longer ignore. Whether this moment becomes a turning point or deepens the national malaise will depend on what follows. South Africa stands at a precipice, its guardians exposed, its institutions tested, and its people impatient for action. * Clyde N.S. Ramalaine is a theologian, political analyst, lifelong social and economic justice activist, published author, poet, and freelance writer. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Star
11 hours ago
- The Star
AK-47 used in DJ Sumbody's murder linked to 3 more killings, including DJ Vintos
The South African Police Service (SAPS) has confirmed that the AK-47 used in the killing of popular musician DJ Sumbody has now been linked to three additional murders, including that of Soweto-based Hector 'DJ Vintos' Buthelezi. Businessman Katiso Molefe, former police officer Michael Pule Tau, Tiego Floyd Mabusela, and Musa Kekana appeared in the Alexander Magistrate's Court in Johannesburg on Tuesday morning. Three of the four men accused in the assassination of DJ Sumbody, whose real name was Oupa John Sefoka, now also face an additional charge related to the murder of Don Tindleni. All four are charged with DJ Vintos' murder. DJ Vintos was gunned down in March 2022 outside a nightclub in Orlando East, Soweto. Speaking outside the court, national police spokesperson Athlenda Mathe said the suspects were traveling in a BMW X3 at the time of the shooting. 'In relation to the Alexandra Magistrate's Court, the SAPS Political Killings Task Team, working closely with the Gauteng Organised Crime Unit, has brought two additional cases against the four accused who were previously arrested in connection with the Aman Sefoka (DJ Sumbody) case and the killings of his two bodyguards, Sibusiso Khumalo and Sandile Lemeza,' said Mathe. She said the firearm used, a single AK-47, has now been forensically linked to four murders. The murders included that of DJ Sumbody and his two bodyguards in November 2022, DJ Vintos in March 2022, Don Tindleni, killed in a BMW 5 Series on the N1 freeway in March 2023, and the Aman Sefoka case, as part of broader investigations 'What is significant is that one AK-47 has been definitively connected to all four murder scenes,' Mathe said. 'Beyond ballistic links, there is also overwhelming additional evidence that has been pieced together by our investigators.'
eNCA
12 hours ago
- eNCA
High Court confirms that filming police is legal
JOHANNESBURG - A landmark judgment has affirmed the rights of South Africans when dealing with police. The High Court in Johannesburg has ruled that citizens can question officers and record them without fear of arrest. READ | Survey shows aggressive policing not inspiring trust This comes after attorney Jacobs was wrongfully arrested for filming a roadblock near his home. The court found the arrest unlawful and awarded Jacobs R250,000 in damages. The High Court judge stressed that asking questions and demanding explanations is not interference with police duties.
