SENATOR PETER WELCH: I'm a Democrat and we need to fix FEMA with local control
The scenes from these disasters are horrific and all too familiar. My state of Vermont faced catastrophic flooding two years ago, on July 10-11. Homes, farms and businesses were destroyed. Roads and bridges were washed away. The damage was shocking, and the recovery was painful. Then, exactly one year later, another flood devastated our state. Communities were left reeling — two once-in-a-generation floods, back-to-back.
After two consecutive floods, Vermonters know firsthand how essential local volunteer responders and the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) were to our state's immediate recovery. Without question, the victims of flooding in Texas, North Carolina and New Mexico are experiencing this too.
When disaster strikes, it is an all-hands-on-deck moment. The federal government has the unique ability to surge resources and personnel, and it's critical they show up.
As long as there is destructive weather, there must be a fully functioning FEMA. Communities from Vermont, to Texas, to North Carolina, to New Mexico know this reality.
But, the agency is far from perfect. FEMA must be reformed.
FEMA is too slow, too bureaucratic and too bloated. Administrative costs outweigh direct disaster assistance. Recovery is hindered by red tape.
Thats why I introduced new legislation July 10 to fix FEMA's broken long-term recovery process.
The "Disaster Assistance Improvement and Decentralization (AID) Act" has a simple premise: local leaders know their local community best. They should be empowered to make decisions.
Local leaders know what size culvert they need, what size stones to use in grading a road, and what bridge to replace first.
Local leaders have the best understanding of the needs of their local communities and their neighbors. Too many communities across Vermont have wasted invaluable weeks debating with FEMA over inconsequential details or submitting and re-submitting paperwork every time they're assigned a new recovery officer.
Final decisions on recovery projects weren't even made in Vermont. The FEMA employee overseeing Vermont's disaster recovery was located in Puerto Rico.
Time and time again, I heard these frustrations from flooded communities in Vermont. And time and time again, we got excuses from FEMA.
In early July, I visited five communities still recovering from the Vermont floods — Killington, Ludlow, Weston, Barre and Montpelier — and in the coming weeks, I'll visit the state's Northeast Kingdom. I spoke with leaders and recovery workers in every town who were exhausted and frustrated.
Their recovery has been set back by constant staff turnover, endless paperwork and waiting, and now the threat of funding freezes and other uncertainty. Local leaders need the system to change.
Disaster-stricken towns and cities need to be empowered and need more authority to make decisions in the recovery process. Bureaucracy needs to take a backseat.
The AID Act helps local communities tailor recovery solutions to their unique needs by cutting through red tape in FEMA's public assistance program and easing burdensome requirements that slow recovery.
It will get federal funding out faster once a disaster hits, so our communities don't waste time or overextend their budgets on repairs.
It will provide more training and technical assistance to towns and cities. Many rural towns have only one or two full-time employees. They have little-to-no capacity after a storm hits to begin the complicated recovery process.
It allows FEMA to cover the cost of relocating a government facility that has been damaged, such as a wastewater treatment plant. It allows counties and regional planning commissions to work with local towns in submitting FEMA applications and paperwork.
The "Disaster Assistance Improvement and Decentralization (AID) Act" has a simple premise: local leaders know their local community best. They should be empowered to make decisions.
Frequent staff turnover at FEMA only sets recovery back. The Disaster AID Act would make it easier to bring back experienced current and former FEMA employees and help limit this staff turnover, rather than force them out by compromising their pensions.
The Disaster AID Act protects FEMA's pre-disaster hazard mitigation funds, so communities can better prepare for disasters. These funds are currently frozen, and many communities in Vermont and across the United States have been forced to pause or stop these projects as a result.
Like any reform effort, details matter. Accountability will be crucial, and this bill includes safeguards to avoid waste and fraud. But accountability cannot come at the expense of efficiency. I know we can find a workable solution that protects taxpayer dollars while fixing these broken processes.
Washington tends to think that more federal control is better. But I believe that we need to trust and empower the people working every day to improve their communities. This is a policy I can find common ground on with my colleagues across the aisle, and I look forward to working with them to help disaster victims from Vermont to Texas. We all want to improve FEMA, and we'll need to work together to make it happen.
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The 36-year-old Talarico is not your average Democratic politician; he's an aspiring preacher who studies at Austin Presbyterian Theological Seminary and has gained nearly 1 million followers on TikTok by publishing videos that frequently center on the intersection of his Christian faith and politics. And that's how Rogan found him. Rogan invited Talarico on the podcast after seeing one of his viral videos explaining his opposition to posting the Ten Commandments in public schools. As he was leaving Rogan's Austin, Texas-area studio, he talked about how his party could win over more white Evangelicals, what national Democrats get wrong about Texas and how the party could win the state in 2026 and beyond. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. What's it like to sit down with Joe Rogan for three hours? Take us into his studio, the moments before and after you record. When we got the email invitation, I originally thought it was a phishing scam. But we called them and realized it was legit, and it was a surprise — just given that I'm a state rep. — to get invited on such a big national platform. He said he had seen some of my videos and wanted to talk. So we jumped at the opportunity. I didn't know what topics he wanted to cover. Really had no specifics beyond that first email. I was kind of going in blind. He and his team are very unassuming. You wouldn't know you were walking into the biggest podcast in the world from their kind of humble setup. They were just very genuine and very, very chill. He said it was a comedian friend who had come across me on social media and told Joe he should listen to me. And so Joe went back and watched some of the videos, and that's where the invitation came from. Rogan in recent weeks has aired some confusion, surprise and even grievance with Trump over some of the administration's early moves: He has called Trump's feud with Canada stupid and called some of Trump's sweeping deportations 'horrific.' Do you get the sense Rogan is a winnable quantity for Democrats ahead of 2026 and 2028? After sitting with him for two and a half hours, I have a clearer understanding of where he's coming from on a lot of this stuff. I just got the overwhelming impression that Joe Rogan is not loyal to either political party, and is deeply skeptical of our political system as a whole. I think that skepticism also applies to Donald Trump, just like it did to Joe Biden last year. I got the impression the reason Joe Rogan has the most popular podcast in the country is because he speaks for a lot of people who don't feel like they belong in either political party, and are rightly suspicious of a corrupt political system. Part of my nerves going in was coming on as an elected official, but I think I was able to shed some light on why the system is broken, at least at the state level, and why it's not working for people — and possible solutions for how to change it. What would you say to your fellow Democrats who are wary of Rogan's influence and the idea that the party should court him or that people like you should go on his show? I think regardless of what people feel about Joe Rogan — or any media figure — we as elected officials, at the very minimum, should have respect for his listeners and take the time to speak to them directly and honestly. I find what Joe Rogan is doing to be refreshing. The fact that he has these longform conversations with people from very different political backgrounds; the fact that he had Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders in the same chair and had long, thorough conversations with both of them; people actually trying to understand each other is a lot healthier than cable news networks or the algorithmic social media that we're all stuck in. I think what Joe Rogan is doing is maybe how we can fix this democracy. If we actually sat down and listened to each other and loved our enemies: That, I think, is the way out of all this. He was eager to talk about the religious content of your videos. How did you approach that? I would say the conversation was probably equal parts politics and faith. And so we talked a lot about spirituality, about the spiritual crisis in this country, particularly among young people, which is something I care a lot about, [and] is something he cares a lot about. It was a wide-ranging conversation that wasn't limited to policy and politics, although there was plenty of that too. That's also why people are attracted to his show: He kind of moves between these topics in a very natural and fluid way. Whereas if you get booked on a traditional news network, you're given your topic that you can talk about for five minutes, and then you're off. In this format, he's pursuing whatever he's interested in. You are a seminary student when you're not politicking. Do you think Democrats are a party that can ever win over more white evangelicals in 2028 when Trump is not on the ballot? I do. I absolutely think we can do that. It's going to require some changes in our party before we're able to expand our coalition and build a bigger tent. What changes? I think we need to start listening to Democrats who are in red and purple areas. 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The 5 Senate seats most likely to flip
An already active start to the 2026 cycle has kicked into overdrive in recent weeks with a major retirement announcement, the passage of a key GOP priority and moves by candidates that could further scramble the chess board. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) made waves in the lead-up to the passage of President Trump's 'big, beautiful bill' by announcing he would not be seeking a third term next year, throwing the party's push of retaining the seat in flux. That was only a prelude, however, to the GOP getting its mammoth tax and spending package over the finish line by July 4, with the newly minted law set to potentially play a far-reaching role as Democrats try to tether Republicans to the Medicaid and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) cuts that were included. Here's a mid-summer look at the five Senate seats most likely to flip next year. North Carolina By far the biggest change on this list is to the top spot as Tillis's decision to retire has further opened the door to Democrats being able to flip a seat they have long been eyeing. The seat was always considered a top-level race for both sides of the aisle, but the removal of the battle-tested incumbent from the field makes the effort more difficult for the GOP. In one clear sign of how tight the race is likely to be, the election handicapper Cook Political Report shifted its rating from 'lean Republican' to 'toss up' after Tillis's announcement. Adding to the problems for Republicans is that the news seems to have pushed former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper (D) closer to taking the plunge, potentially giving the minority party an A-level recruit and a real chance to flip the seat. Cooper, the former two-term governor, has never lost a statewide race in six attempts. On the GOP side, all eyes are on Lara Trump, the wife of Eric Trump and a Tar Heel State native. In the eyes of multiple Republican strategists, the nomination is hers if she wants it — but whether she wants it is an entirely different question. Lara Trump had a chance to run for the seat currently occupied by Sen. Ted Budd (R-N.C.) in 2022, but passed on the opportunity. She was also floated as a possible appointee to fill the Senate seat of current Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Florida, but Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) ultimately tapped Sen. Ashley Moody (R-Fla.), an ally, instead. 'Lara Trump's very viable,' Budd recently told reporters at the Capitol, shooting down concerns that she has not lived in the state in many years. 'She's from Wilmington, she went to the same high school as Michael Jordan.' 'There's a great case to be made if she wants it. We of course would be supportive,' he added. Republicans also see an added bonus to her running: the chance to get the Trump name on the ballot, even in a midterm year. 'She has a golden last name and it's still a light red state,' one GOP operative with experience working on Senate races said. Georgia It's still early in the cycle, but Republican recruiting woes have emerged in several states, headlined by Georgia. The GOP is still in the throes of trying to figure out who will take on Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) in a state where Republicans believe they have a real chance of flipping a seat that they shouldn't have lost in the first place. The GOP got its first major blow of the cycle when Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) announced in May that he was sidestepping a Senate bid. Since then, it's been a real struggle for Republicans to find a top-tier candidate who could topple the incumbent Democrat. Rep. Buddy Carter (R-Ga.) has already launched a campaign, but that has done little to stop top Republicans from looking elsewhere for their party's solutions. Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) indicated that he is taking a long, hard look at a bid. Some Republicans are also hoping that Veterans Affairs Secretary Doug Collins, a former House member, gets the campaign itch once again. 'Georgia's going to be really tough. … Ossoff is not the best candidate, but he's figured out the way to make it work for himself and the state is changing. It's going to be very difficult,' said a second GOP operative who has worked on Senate races. 'You feel worse about Georgia than you do North Carolina — for sure,' the operative said 'Who's going to emerge [in the primary]? I think Jon Ossoff's a better candidate than I think people anticipated when he first got elected.' 'Not having Brian Kemp hurts,' the operative added. In fact, Democrats see Ossoff being a real net-positive in this race, especially given the uncertainty on the GOP side. Putting icing on the cake, the first-term Democrat raised more than $10 million between April and June, marking his second consecutive quarter with an eight-figure haul. He has $15.5 million in the bank. 'He's passionate. He cares. He fights for his state. … 'He's committed. He listens to them. He hears what their challenges are and he comes here to solve those problems,' said Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.), who ran the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) when Ossoff won his race in 2020. 'That's a recipe for success in your state. Maine Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), the only Republican defending a seat in a blue state next year, has had a difficult month. First, Republicans were able to pass the 'big, beautiful bill' without her support, putting her on record opposing cuts to Medicaid that could harm rural hospitals — but on the defensive back home about the GOP bill. Most recently, she voted against a White House request to claw back funding after repeatedly warning that the Trump administration was not going into enough detail about the impact of the cuts, which largely impact foreign aid and public broadcasters. As Senate Appropriations Committee chair, she is also trying to shepherd government funding through Congress amid accusations from Democrats that Republicans are poisoning the well with the bill to claw back funds. Democrats allege Collins is intentionally making moves to appeal to both sides. 'It's not an accident that Susan Collins is failing to stop the toxic GOP agenda,' said Tommy Garcia, a spokesperson for the Maine Democratic Party, in a statement. 'It's a carefully orchestrated political ploy to keep her seat while cutting Medicaid and delivering tax giveaways to billionaires. 'At the end of the day, Donald Trump and Washington Republicans know Susan Collins will have their back,' he added. Amid all of that, though, Collins can take solace at a few things heading into the second half of summer. A poll conducted by Pan Atlantic Research in May of 840 likely voters found her favorability rating four points above water in Maine And Democrats still do not have a candidate ready to take her on. Many in the party are pinning their hopes on Maine Gov. Janet Mills (D) taking the plunge, but the 77-year-old has given little oxygen to the idea of a run. Absent Mills, the options are limited. Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine) made clear months ago he has no plans of challenging Collins. For now, the best chance for Democrats to take Collins down is seemingly for her to opt for retirement. Senate Republicans and operatives, however, believe she will seek a sixth term and find it hard to believe she will depart only months after securing the Appropriations gavel — her dream job. They also know that without her, the seat is most likely gone. Texas The Lone Star State is the lone new inclusion on the list as questions surround the political future of Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas). Cornyn finds himself down by double digits in numerous polls to Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton (R), sparking fears among the GOP that Democrats have a real opening to nab a white whale: a Senate seat in Texas. To be sure, the four-term incumbent has a long history of success, especially in general elections. He's also a prolific fundraiser. Still, Republicans are nervous about whether he can overcome his opponent, who has been a MAGA stalwart — and who they believe will be a weaker general election candidate. 'Worried,' one Senate Republican told The Hill when asked about the mood within the GOP conference about Cornyn's reelection chances, adding that members are also concerned about the amount of money it will cost to help lift him out of the polling hole. Cornyn is facing a crucial stretch as his supporters go to the airwaves in a bid to determine the path forward. A Cornyn super PAC went up on the air on Wednesday, the first of a series of expected ads that is part of an effort to improve Cornyn's numbers and damage Paxton's. According to a third GOP operative, the hope is for some clarity in the race to arrive around Labor Day. Texas notoriously has an early candidate filing deadline — Dec. 8 this year. In that time, Cornyn's team must quickly figure out a cohesive message (or messages) to wield against Paxton, who is considered a walking opposition-research book among many Republicans even as he has an intense backing amongst some MAGA voters. The Texas AG was acquitted by the state Senate in 2023 after allegations of political bribery. He was also charged with securities fraud in 2015, with those eventually being dismissed earlier this year. Those problems were only highlighted in recent weeks when Angela Paxton, a Texas state senator and Paxton's wife, filed for divorce 'on biblical grounds,' citing 'recent discoveries.' 'The hard part of running against Ken Paxton … is there are so many things — it's hard to know which thing you have to center on,' the third GOP operative with experience working on Senate races said, arguing that chipping away at the populist Christian vote is crucial for the incumbent. This has prompted GOP leaders to prod Trump in search of an endorsement to boost Cornyn, but even the senator has admitted that doesn't seem to be coming yet. According to the strategist, Trump has made it clear in recent weeks that if he endorses anyone, it would likely be Cornyn. Awaiting the eventual nominee will likely be former Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas), who lost last year to Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) by 8.5 percentage points even with massive Democratic spending in the state. If Paxton emerges to the general election, both sides of the aisle view this as a competitive race. 'Right now, it looks like Ken Paxton wins that primary, at least on paper. The other thing that same piece of paper shows is that Colin Allred beats Ken Paxton — and it can happen,' the second GOP operative said. Some are pushing back on that narrative, however. 'Even with the worst case scenario in Texas, the fundamentals remain solidly red just more expensive,' one national Republican strategist said. Michigan The battle to replace the retiring Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) rounds out the list as Democrats find themselves in the midst of a nasty primary while top Republicans look to avoid one by boosting former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.), their preferred candidate. Democrats are in the early stages of a three-way primary between Rep. Haley Stevens (D-Mich.), state Sen. Mallory McMorrow (D) and former Wayne County Health Director Abdul El-Sayed. Stevens has opened the race as a slight favorite according to early surveys, with McMorrow and El-Sayed, who is backed by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), trailing not far behind as they attempt to stake out their lanes and boost their name-ID in quick order. When asked to handicap the race, GOP operatives largely agreed on three things: that Stevens would be the toughest general election opponent, McMorrow has the biggest boom-or-bust potential in the field and that the best chance for Republicans to flip the seat involves El-Sayed becoming the nominee. 'He's going to invigorate their base. You've got to draw a stark contrast and you've got to hope you win enough independents. That's the game,' the first GOP operative said about El-Sayed. 'You need someone who's going to terrify our base.' Still, Rogers remains a question mark for some Republicans as they wonder why he could be successful this cycle after not being able to get across the finish line last year, when Trump was on the ballot and the environment was considered more favorable for Republicans. 'I don't know what changes that gives us an edge without him on the ballot,' the second strategist said. Some of Rogers' woes from the 2024 bid are also cropping up this cycle, headlined by lackluster fundraising that prompted complaints from many corners of the party during his initial Senate run. The former congressman only raised $745,000 in the second quarter and has $1.1 million in the bank. He raised an additional $779,000 for his joint fundraising account. By contrast, Stevens, McMorrow and El Sayed posted at least $1.8 million hauls, with the congresswoman leading the way with $2.8 million — $1.5 million of which was transferred from her House account. Rogers also might be facing a primary in short order as Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-Mich.) is gearing up for a challenge. Still, while it's been decades since a Republican won a Senate seat in Michigan, the national Republican strategist contended the state is trending in their direction. The strategist noted that Sen. Elise Slotkin (D-Mich.), who defeated Rogers in 2024, won by less than 0.5 points after having the benefit of evading a competitive primary. 'While some speculate Texas is trending blue, the data tells a different story—Michigan remains the more competitive battleground,' the strategist said. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
