Suspects in DJ Sumbody murder case linked to multiple unsolved assassinations
The court postponed Molefe's bail application to August 6. The three alleged hitmen – Tau, Kekana, and Mabusela – had previously revealed that they had no intention of applying for bail on July 22.
According to police spokesperson Athlenda Mathe, the South African Police Service (SAPS) Political Killings Task Team and Gauteng Organised Crime Unit have connected the suspects to two additional cases.
Also read: Suspects in DJ Sumbody's murder linked to multiple high-profile cases
The first case involves the murder of Hector Buthelezi, known as DJ Vintos, who was gunned down in a hail of bullets outside a nightclub in Orlando East back in March 2022. The second case, from March 2023, is the killing of Don Tindleni on the N1, near the A17 off-ramp. Both cases had previously remained unsolved.
'Our investigations have now brought us to this point,' said Mathe. 'We are linking the AK-47, as well the three pistols that were found on the Armand Swart case, to the killing of Armand Swart, the killing of DJ Vintos, the killing of DJ Sumbody and his bodyguards, and to the Don Tindleni's murder.'
All four accused face charges for the murder of DJ Vintos, while the three alleged hitmen are also charged in connection with Tindleni's assassination. Mathe said investigations to reveal the mastermind behind Tindleni's murder are ongoing.
Molefe was out on bail in connection with the murder of Swart at the time of his arrest for DJ Sumbody's murder. Now, intending to apply for bail for the murder of DJ Sumbody, he has also been charged in connection with the murder of DJ Vintos.
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But the question remains: why do criminal suspects have such access to top law enforcement, while citizens struggle to report crimes? Equally disconcerting is the role of Brown Mogotsi, a politically connected figure who acted as a conduit between Mchunu and SAPS, despite having no formal position. Once active in North West politics and a vocal CR17 supporter, Mogotsi sent unsolicited WhatsApp directives to Mkhwanazi, claiming to speak for Mchunu. In a Checkpoint interview, he even claimed to be in Tanzania during the arrest of Thabo Bester and Nandipha Magudumana. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Mogotsi's ambiguous role, shadowy operative or media-seeking hero, underscores the breakdown of command in SAPS and the alarming closeness between politics and policing. His public activity illustrates political interference cloaked as operational engagement. The allegations surrounding Mchunu and Sibiya suggest obstruction. 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July brought yet another subplot: Patriotic Alliance (PA) Deputy President Kenny Kunene, who was present at Molefe's arrest. Though uncharged, his presence drew attention. Kunene resigned from his City of Johannesburg post pending an internal party investigation. His background in media ownership, Weekly Xposé, Africa News 24-7, may explain his presence as a search for a scoop. Still, the PA's swift suspension of Kunene contrasts sharply with the ANC's inertia. Mchunu, shielded by executive privilege, remains untouched. In response to Mkhwanazi's disclosures, Ramaphosa announced three critical decisions on 13 July: the formation of a judicial commission, placing Mchunu on leave, and appointing Firoz Cachalia as acting minister. These moves are now under Constitutional Court review, with the uMkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP) challenging their legality. Should the court side with the MKP and strike down the announcements, the implications would be disruptive. Such a ruling would mark an institutional red card not just for executive overreach, but also against the President's ability to act in crisis. It could provoke a constitutional crisis, weaken the presidency's authority under Section 84, embolden adversaries questioning the legitimacy of state efforts to combat law enforcement capture, and further erode SAPS's fragile command. Worse, it might encourage those implicated to delay accountability under the guise of procedural propriety. The Madlanga Commission may not commence for three months and could take years to conclude. Meanwhile, overlapping investigations from Parliament, the Public Protector, and others have been launched. But are these parallel probes strategically sound, or dangerously duplicative? Witnesses may feel compromised about testifying before the commission begins, fearing political fallout or legal complications. Without coordination, these overlapping inquiries could harm the integrity of the entire process. Justice demands urgency, but also coherence. We've seen this before: Phala Phala produced more noise than resolution. Overlapping mandates, jurisdictional confusion, and political manoeuvring tactics create a fog that allows the guilty to vanish, locked in a sealed status. The more disjointed our accountability processes, the easier they become to manipulate. As July ends, one wonders: Will the judiciary be next? If Mkhwanazi's revelations are accurate, the rot reaches further into the justice system. Is South Africa ready for that confrontation? This winter may not deliver justice, but it has begun a reckoning, driven not by politicians but by a police commissioner with evidence. Mkhwanazi's bravery has shattered the silence. He's shown us a state entangled with criminality, protected by privilege, and nearing institutional collapse. As the Madlanga Commission awaits commencement, the spread of unaligned investigations risks confusion over clarity. Without coherence, justice may again be buried under politics. July 2025 has not answered every question, but it's raised the ones we can no longer ignore. Whether this moment becomes a turning point or deepens the national malaise will depend on what follows. South Africa stands at a precipice, its guardians exposed, its institutions tested, and its people impatient for action. * Clyde N.S. Ramalaine is a theologian, political analyst, lifelong social and economic justice activist, published author, poet, and freelance writer. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
