logo
Cork protest attracts hundreds frustrated with housing costs – ‘Everyone was under the same banner'

Cork protest attracts hundreds frustrated with housing costs – ‘Everyone was under the same banner'

The Raise the Roof protest was comprised of people from Munster and further afield who made their way to Cork to protest against Ireland's worsening housing crisis.
Sinn Féin TD for Cork North Central, Thomas Gould, told The Corkman that those in attendance, despite coming from various backgrounds, marched as one.
'There was a really good crowd and a great cross section of trade unions, opposition parties on the left, some members of the Traveller community as well,' Deputy Gould said.
'Thousands of people marched, and they didn't just march under the tricolour.
'They marched under every flag from different political parties, all the different unions and the Travellers had their flag.
'A lot of people used their voice on the day.'
According to the Daft.ie House Price Report for Quarter 2 of 2025, released on Monday, June 23, the average house price in Cork county is €325,999 while the average house price in Cork city is €369,938.
In the county, house prices were 12pc higher in Q2 than the same time last year, while city prices increased by 8.6pc in a year.
The report stated that house prices in Cork county are 44.4pc higher now compared to before the Covid-19 pandemic. House prices have risen by 32.6pc in Cork city, since before the pandemic.
Mr Gould said the figures are 'another blow' for young people and their families.
ADVERTISEMENT
'Today's report shows that home ownership is not a viable option in Cork for many of these people either. The price of buying a home is now so far out of the reach of most ordinary people in Cork, they may as well plan for a trip to Mars,' he said.
'12 months ago, housing was unaffordable. Today, it is astronomical and entirely out of reach of most people in this state,' he added.
Mr Gould said the Raise the Roof protest in Cork has shown the 'fight back' has begun.
'We saw people come out in Cork this weekend to say enough is enough. We need to build on that momentum. We need to offer young people a chance at hope and a future here. They are our future. We cannot continue to wave them off from airports,' he stated.
Cork singer Martin Leahy performed at the protest. He performed his song 'Everyone Should Have A Home', which is his own personal protest to the housing crisis.
Mr Leahy has performed his song outside the Dáil for the past three years.
He described the Cork protest as 'cohesive', and energising.
'It felt very cohesive, and it was great that everyone was under the same banner,' the singer said.
'I felt energised by being there, and it is always good to put [the song] out there in front of people.
'Everything that I would like to say to people, I talk about in my song, so it's always good to play it in front of a crowd.'
Mr Leahy has attended and performed at several housing demonstrations over the years, and he said it feels like protesters are 'building towards something'.
'There has been a lot of big protests happening in the last while, and it is great that they are happening,' he said.
'I would love to see them continue because it really does feel like we are building towards something.'

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Ireland's €550m hospitality VAT cut seems based on little evidence
Ireland's €550m hospitality VAT cut seems based on little evidence

The Journal

time37 minutes ago

  • The Journal

Ireland's €550m hospitality VAT cut seems based on little evidence

PICTURE THIS – YOU'RE a politician. 'Hey, hey!' says you. 'Don't threaten me with a good time!' But wait – it gets better. Because you're a senior politician. A cabinet minister. You have a say in how the government spends billions of euros every year. With that in mind, how should you make decisions? 1: Make evidence-based calls using the best data available 2: Make vibes-based calls using personal testimony / lobbying 3: A mix – evidence a fair bit of the time, but vibes when it suits If you chose Number 3 – congratulations, you have what it takes to be a minister! You see, the government recently made a 'solemn pledge' to cut the VAT rate for the hospitality sector. The move would cost the state at least €550 million in foregone tax revenue, if only applied to food businesses. As it means losing out on a lot of tax money, you would think the government would have a good reason for the move. But as we'll discover – the rationale seems murky at best. Billions at stake — but based on what evidence? Let's take a look. First of all, a quick reminder on what the hospitality VAT rate is. A VAT rate of 13.5% applies to businesses working in 'hospitality' – restaurants, cafes, hotels, etc. Restaurants say they're in crisis — but the numbers tell a different story. However, for much of the last decade or so, the rate was set at a lower 9%. This lower rate was introduced after the financial crisis, to help businesses lower prices. The state collects VAT on all products sold by hospitality firms. If the rate is lowered from 13.5% to 9%, in theory this means profitable companies can lower their prices without impacting their bottom line. So, this would make the services sold by hospitality businesses more affordable. Then, people would be more likely to, say, eat out in a restaurant. In turn, this would get people more confident about spending money, at a time when the economy desperately needed a boost. As explored previously, that original idea has now been lost . More recently, the lower VAT rate has essentially functioned as a support to the sector. For example, during Covid the rate was dropped as many restaurants could not operate. Instead of lowering prices, the idea was the lower rate would boost the profits of struggling businesses. The rate was increased from 9% back to the normal 13.5% in 2023 as the economy returned to normal. But last week, Tánaiste Simon Harris made a 'solemn promise' to once again reduce the VAT rate for the hospitality sector. He acknowledged the move would cost the state a 'significant amount of money'. However, he argued 'it's not about a tax cut for businesses'. 'It's about recognising that in every town and every village there are small businesses creating employment that want to be able to keep going and need to be supported,' he said. So the Tánaiste argued that hospitality firms are struggling and need financial support from the state. Where did he get that idea? Restaurants are closing — or are they? The most obvious source for the claim is lobbying from the likes of the Restaurants Association of Ireland (RAI). Advertisement Ever since the hospitality VAT rate was put back to 13.5% in 2022, the RAI has waged an exceptionally effective campaign to bring it back down to 9%. It has also made it clear the lower VAT rate won't be used to lower prices. Food businesses will take the extra money from paying less tax. At the core of the RAI's argument is its claim that a slew of restaurants across Ireland are closing due to high trading costs. It argues lowering VAT will reduce costs and help these firms survive. The key evidence it provides for this claim is closure statistics, which the RAI compiles itself. For the last year and a half or so, this survey has claimed about 600 restaurants are closing every year in Ireland . This statistics has been the basis for countless articles about the 'crisis' facing Irish hospitality. See examples here , here , here , here … you get the idea. What almost all of these share in common is citing the RAI figures. It's something I've done myself . But we should consider – do these figures reflect reality? As noted previously, the RAI only tracks restaurant closures – not openings. It's a shortcoming the group has previously acknowledged , saying: 'We don't have all the data'. But that caveat rarely appears in media reporting. In fact, the most recent data from the CSO (Central Statistics Office) found that openings were very strong in the sector . While the figures are from 2022 and possibly Covid-influenced, they certainly give no indication of a crisis. This leads onto the next point – you would expect huge numbers of food businesses closing to lead to a drop in the number of people employed in the sector. But that's not happening. But employment in this sector rose by 7% over the last year to 186,000 . By most metrics, the sector looks fine. More than that – it looks like it's doing well. What the numbers actually say The CSO tracks the number of people employed per industry. 'Accommodation and food services' is the one which is relevant for hospitality food businesses – the type the RAI claims are closing en masse. For instance, in November the CSO reported 'Accommodation & Food Services' recorded the largest increase in hours worked of any sector in the country . This simply doesn't match up with the claims of a supposed closure crisis. We even have a perfect, recent reference point for a closure crisis in the industry. In 2020, employment in 'Accommodation & Food Services' plunged to 139,000. There's no question that was a disaster, and the lower VAT rate was needed. But the same evidence is not there right now. The Department of Finance has also staunchly opposed reducing the hospitality VAT rate. It pointed out that 14 EU countries have a VAT rate of 12% or higher on food services – meaning Ireland's current 13.5% rate is fairly typical. The OECD, an intergovernmental group of wealthy countries, also recently pointed out that reducing hospitality VAT will likely 'disproportionately benefit' people on higher incomes . What cutting VAT really means Finally, it's worth considering the impact reducing the VAT rate will have more broadly. Reducing the rate and foregoing €550 million per year means the government has less money to spend in other areas. Cutting the VAT rate to 9% would make it much less likely for the government to adjust income tax bands for inflation – meaning workers will lose more money in tax. This is exactly what the Department of Finance has warned against, saying the lower VAT rate will mean an 'enormous fiscal transfer of taxpayer's money to the sector, which the evidence available at present does not support.' Given all of this – what is the evidence for reducing hospitality VAT? The Journal asked representatives for Simon Harris the studies or data he cited to decide on cutting the VAT rate. In response, a spokesperson said: 'The Programme for Government commits to bring forward measures to support SMEs. In particular, the retail and hospitality sectors, acknowledging the increased cost pressures on these sectors.' Asked again what evidence the Tánaiste's decision was based on, there was no response. Now, look – we all know most restaurants and cafes operate on fine margins. That's not in question. What is in doubt is whether this very specific measure – which will cost taxpayers a lot of money – is needed. To date, the government has not provided good evidence to indicate why it is choosing to forgo hundreds of millions of euros. When politicians are playing with so much taxpayer money, the least they can do is explain their decisions. So far, the government has completely failed to do that. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal

EU may end up cutting services and asking Ireland for more cash to settle a €30bn Covid bill
EU may end up cutting services and asking Ireland for more cash to settle a €30bn Covid bill

The Journal

time12 hours ago

  • The Journal

EU may end up cutting services and asking Ireland for more cash to settle a €30bn Covid bill

Muiris O'Cearbhaill CUTS TO GRANT schemes and increases in the amount of money given to the EU each year by Ireland may be considered in order to pay back an annual €30bn bill which was racked up following Europe's Covid response plan. €732bn was made available to member states during the Covid-19 pandemic, aimed at protecting the European economy. The annual cost to repay that debt for the EU could reach up to €30bn every year from 2028. The figure is a fifth of the EU's current five-year budgetary plan. A new spending plan is currently being developed and will give politicians a clear picture on how member states can afford to pay the bill back. Fianna Fáil MEP Billy Kelleher, who is a member of the European Parliament's taxation committee, believes services like grant schemes may be cut and contributions from member states may be increased to raise the funds needed to repay Europe's debts. The budget plan – what's called the multiannual financial framework – is due to be announced on 16 July. Currently, the EU spends €160bn every year on schemes such as grant programmes for local authorities and infrastructure investments. The budget could be cut back in order to make more funds available to repay the debts. This could come at the cost of local community groups, who may rely on funding from European programmes to keep service hubs open or pay operating costs for community centres. Another option for the EU is to instead increase the amount that its members pay in each year. In 2023, Ireland paid €3.69bn in EU contribution fees for the annual budget . Ireland currently pays more money into the EU's budget than it receives each year . Kelleher told The Journal : 'We're going to either have to increase the budget through contributions [from member states] or find additional resources.' He added the issue will be a 'key debate' in the coming years. Advertisement It could involve tense discussions if member states, like Ireland, must foot the annual bill in order to keep services for groups that rely on the EU's funding schemes active. Asked how the debate might be settled, the Ireland South MEP said he believes the EU may 'fall a little bit between the two'. He added that there might be 'just a small' increase in contributions from member states, including Ireland. Potential increases come at a time when Ireland is experiencing significant uncertainty around the economy, with the looming threat of tariffs by US President Trump. There is a significant level of unpredictability felt in Brussels over the pending deadline. Taoiseach Micheál Martin has said that potential tariffs by the US on the Irish economy could impact the domestic budget . Analysis from the Central Bank suggests US tariffs could lead to slower economic growth and a fall in the creation of new jobs . Corporation tax receipts – a massive earner for the state - fell in May and companies in Ireland with business in the US, such as Guinness maker Diageo, are projecting the tariffs to cost them millions of euro this year . Kelleher said: 'A lot of member states who are making contributions are, financially, in very stringent times. If you look at France and Germany, for example. I mean, their two economies are really struggling.' Asked if it would be difficult to justify an increase in Irish contributions in the scenario that US tariffs have a major impact on the economy, the MEP told The Journal that the amount of contributions is based on economic growth. Current forecasts suggest, even if US tariffs have an impact on Ireland, the economy will continue to grow. Speaking in Brussels this week, justice commissioner Michael McGrath said there are no forecasts predicting any major impacts to the European economy. RRF repayments will begin in 2028 and continue into the long-term. A minimum of 37% of the funds were allocated to climate-related investments, while 20% were dedicated to the digital transition plan for member states. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal

Boris Johnson wife Carrie hospitalised weeks after giving birth
Boris Johnson wife Carrie hospitalised weeks after giving birth

Irish Daily Mirror

timea day ago

  • Irish Daily Mirror

Boris Johnson wife Carrie hospitalised weeks after giving birth

Boris Johnson's wife has issued a cautionary message to fellow mothers following her two-night hospital stay this week. Carrie and Boris Johnson celebrated the arrival of their baby girl, Poppy, on May 21, marking Boris' ninth child. The couple, who tied the knot in July 2021, are also parents to sons Wilfred, five, and Frank, one, and daughter Romy, three. Just over a month after welcoming her fourth child, Carrie Johnson found herself being treated in hospital for "severe dehydration, a little over a month since welcoming her fourth child. Carrie revealed on Friday how she had been rushed in for treatment and warned fellow mums to "eat and drink enough in this heat". Taking to Instagram stories, she penned: "Being hospitalised for two nights for my severe dehydration was not on my postpartum bingo card. Breastfeeding mums make sure you eat and drink enough in this heat. Especially if your babe is clusterfeeding." The 37 year old continued: "This week has honestly been brutal. Mastitis (me), reflux (her), dehydration (me). What a pair we are! But thank you for all the kindest messages, especially all the brilliant advice on reflux. Really appreciate it and made me feel way less alone going thru it all," reports the Mirror. Mastitis, an inflammation of breast tissue, is a common condition among breastfeeding women. The former Tory Prime Minister has consistently declined to discuss his personal life, but it's widely believed that he is the father of at least nine children, four of whom are with his current wife, Carrie. He has been down the aisle three times, first with Allegra Mostyn Owen, whom he met during his Oxford University days. After a six-year marriage, they divorced and he married lawyer Marina Wheeler in 1993. Their union lasted a quarter of a century before they parted ways in 2018 amidst whispers of his affair with Carrie, who had previously worked as a Tory PR expert. The couple moved into No10 together following Mr Johnson's ascension to PM in 2019. There's a significant age gap of 24 years between the ex-PM, now aged 60, and media consultant Carrie, who offers glimpses into their private life via her chic Instagram account. On the surface, the pair appear quite dissimilar. Carrie, 37, is a trendy modern mum fond of sharing posts about idyllic family holidays, second-hand Vinted treasures, and lunch dates with her extensive group of friends. In contrast, Boris is renowned for his more conventional preferences - his admiration for classics, Shakespeare, and legendary leaders like Winston Churchill has earned him the label of a British eccentric. On May 29, 2021, Carrie and Johnson exchanged vows in a hush-hush ceremony at Westminster Cathedral, opting for an intimate gathering of just 30 guests due to Covid-19 restrictions. Sharing a photo of herself in her budget-friendly €50 rented wedding dress, Carrie expressed her immense joy, stating she was 'very, very happy'. A year on from their initial nuptials, in the summer of 2022, Johnson and Carrie exchanged vows again in a boho-chic style ceremony. The event took place at a Grade I-listed property in the Cotswolds, owned by one of the leading Conservative Party backers, JCB chairman Lord Bamford. Guests were treated to an open-air banquet, with Carrie adorning a garland of white flowers.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store