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How Syrian government forces and factions are linked to the mass killings of Alawites

How Syrian government forces and factions are linked to the mass killings of Alawites

Yahoo30-06-2025
LATAKIA, Syria -On January 29, Ahmed al-Sharaa and more than 12 other commanders from armed factions that joined forces to overthrow Bashar al-Assad gathered in the presidential palace in Damascus in a show of unity among men who had fought each other almost as much as they'd fought Assad.
Al-Sharaa was named president and abolished the constitution, along with disbanding the Assad government's army and security apparatus.
'The sun of a new Syria is rising,' he said.
Each commander received an army division and a rank, and they pledged to integrate their factions into the new Syrian army. In theory, al-Sharaa dissolved his militia, formerly known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, which was previously al-Qaeda's Syria branch, known as the Nusra Front.
A pro-Assad uprising in early March in Syria's coastal regions was the first test of the tenuous unity.
A few hours into the insurgency, the new government called for reinforcements to defeat the uprising of remnants of the Assad government, known in Arabic as 'fuloul.' Tens of thousands of vehicles, fighters and weapons flooded the coast.
The defense ministry divided the coast into sectors, placing them under the command of a top official to coordinate movements and positions, according to three security sources, including Mohammed al-Jassim, commander of the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade, also known as Amshat.
A Reuters investigation found 1,479 Syrian Alawites were killed and dozens were missing from 40 distinct sites of revenge killings, rampages and looting. Five major groups were involved in the mass killings that followed in Alawite towns and neighborhoods, many of which were struck by multiple groups over three days:
HTS UNITS
These include Unit 400, the Othman Brigade, and its main law enforcement body, known as the General Security Service. Reuters found their involvement in at least 10 sites, where nearly 900 people were killed.
Before Assad fell, the GSS was the main HTS law enforcement arm in the province of Idlib under its control. It is now part of Syria's Interior Ministry.
In 2020, the U.N. described 'deeply troubling' reports of executions and abuses at the hands of HTS law enforcement authorities. Human Rights Watch documented how HTS, then known as the Nusra Front, killed 149 Alawites in summary executions in Latakia in 2013.
Unit 400 is mentioned in a handful of online posts, none of them from official Syrian government accounts. Several of them posted in early December, using identical language, say Unit 400 fighters were being deployed to western Syria. The posts describe Unit 400 as "among the strongest units" in Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, having received "high levels of training and equipped with the most modern weaponry."
Unit 400 was moved to the coastal regions after Assad's falll, according to multiple witnesses and a member of the unit. A foreign intelligence source said the unit set up its headquarters in the former Syrian naval academy and answers only to the top levels of the Defense Ministry.
TURKISH-BACKED MILITIAS
Over the past decade, Turkey launched military incursions in Syria and backed rebels there to oppose both Assad and Kurdish forces it deems a threat.
These factions were part of the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, Syria's second largest opposition coalition. SNA factions have a track record of abductions, sexual violence and widespread looting, according to Human Rights Watch and other rights groups.
Among those Turkey backed during the civil war were the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade and the Hamza division.
In the Alawite killings, Reuters found the involvement of those two groups in at least eight different sites where nearly 700 people were killed.
On his Facebook page, a militiaman affiliated with the Sultan Suleiman Shah division posted: 'Turn off cameras. Kill every male. Their blood is as dirty as pigs.'
SUNNI FACTIONS
These include the anti-Assad rebel forces of Jayish al-Islam, Jayish al-Ahrar and Jayish al-Izza. Reuters found they were present in at least four sites where nearly 350 people were killed.
In 2013, Jayish al-Islam captured a number of Alawite women and men and put them in large metal cages to use as human shields from Syrian and Russian airstrikes in Damascus. The group is also blamed by rights groups for the disappearance of prominent activists during the revolution.
FOREIGN FIGHTERS
These include the Turkistan Islamic Party, or TIP, Uzbeks, Chechens, and some Arab fighters in six sites where Reuters found nearly 500 people were killed.
ARMED SUNNI CIVILIANS
Sectarian bitterness stemming from years of civil war and Assad's abuses led people to attack neighboring villages and neighborhoods of Alawites, a minority linked to the Assad family. Reuters found the two main sites of these revenge killings were the village of Arza and in the city of Baniyas, where a total of 300 people were killed.
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In Syria's Sweida, the stench of death still lingers days after sectarian bloodshed
In Syria's Sweida, the stench of death still lingers days after sectarian bloodshed

Associated Press

time21 hours ago

  • Associated Press

In Syria's Sweida, the stench of death still lingers days after sectarian bloodshed

SWEIDA, Syria (AP) — The stench of decaying bodies hangs heavy in the streets of the provincial capital in Syria's southern province of Sweida, where fighting recently erupted. Once bustling roads now lie eerily silent, with only a few people passing by. In some areas, the destruction is overwhelming, with buildings and cars charred black. At a bank branch, shattered glass covered the floor as an alarm blared nonstop. Walls are emblazoned with slogans graffitied by both sides in the recent conflict. The devastation came after violent clashes broke out two weeks ago, sparked by tit-for-tat kidnappings between armed Bedouin clans and fighters from the Druze religious minority. The fighting killed hundreds of people and threatened to unravel Syria's fragile postwar transition. Syrian government forces intervened, ostensibly to end the fighting, but effectively sided with the clans. Some government fighters reportedly robbed and executed Druze civilians. Associated Press journalists from outside the city were able to enter Sweida on Friday for the first time since the violence started on July 13. With a ceasefire largely holding, residents of Sweida are trying to pick up the pieces of their lives. 'Snipers hit him' At the main hospital, where bodies of those killed in the fighting were piled up for days, workers were scrubbing the floor, but the smell lingered. Manal Harb was there with her wounded 19-year-old son, Safi Dargham, a first-year engineering student, who was shot while volunteering at the overwhelmed hospital. 'Snipers hit him in front of the hospital,' she said. 'We are civilians and have no weapons.' Safi sustained injuries to his elbow, behind his ear, and his leg. Harb says he may lose his arm if he doesn't receive urgent treatment. Harb's husband, Khaled Dargham, was killed when armed men stormed their home, shot him, and set the house on fire. She said the armed men also stole their phones and other belongings. An emergency room nurse who gave only her nickname, Em Hassib ('mother of Hassib'), said she had remained in the hospital with her children throughout the conflict. She alleged that at one point, government fighters who were brought to the hospital for treatment opened fire, killing a police officer guarding the hospital and wounding another. The AP could not independently verify her claim. She said the bodies had piled up for days with no one to remove them, becoming a medical hazard. Sectarian tensions simmer as Druze resist disarmament Disturbing videos and reports from Sweida surfaced showing Druze civilians being humiliated and executed during the conflict, sometimes accompanied by sectarian slurs. After a ceasefire took hold, some Druze groups launched revenge attacks on Bedouin communities. The U.N. has said more than 130,000 people were displaced by the violence. Government officials, including interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, have promised to hold accountable those who targeted civilians, but many residents of Sweida remain angry and suspicious. The Druze religious sect is an offshoot of Ismailism, a branch of Shiite Islam. There are roughly a million Druze worldwide and more than half of them live in Syria. The others live in Lebanon and Israel, including in the Golan Heights — which Israel captured from Syria during the 1967 Mideast War and annexed in 1981. The Druze largely welcomed the fall of former President Bashar Assad in December in a rebel offensive that ended decades of autocratic rule by the Assad dynasty. However, the new government under al-Sharaa, a former Islamist commander who once had al-Qaida ties, drew mixed reactions from Druze leaders. Some clerics supported engaging with the new leadership, while others, including spiritual leader Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri and his Sweida Military Council, opposed him. Al-Sharaa has denied targeting the Druze and blamed the unrest on armed groups defying state authority, particularly those loyal to al-Hijri. He also accused Israel of deepening divisions by striking Syrian forces in Sweida, attacks that were carried out under the pretext of defending the Druze. Talal Jaramany, a 30-year-old Druze resort owner, took up arms during the fighting. 'What pushed me to put on a military uniform and go to the front lines is that what happened was lawless,' he told The Associated Press. Jaramany insisted there was little distinction between the Bedouin clans and the government's General Security forces. 'They used weapons, not dialogue,' he said. He rejects calls for disarmament, saying the Druze need their weapons for self-defense. 'We won't hand over our arms. Our weapon is sacred,' he said. 'It's not for attacking. We've never been supporters of war. We'll only give it up when the state provides real security that protects human rights.' Sweida's Christians also recount near-death escapes Members of Sweida's Christian minority were also caught up in the violence. At a church where a number of Christian families were sheltering, 36-year-old Walaa al-Shammas, a housewife with two children, said a rocket struck her home on July 16. 'Had we not been sheltering in the hallway, we would've been gone,' she said. 'My house lies in destruction and our cars are gone.' Gunmen came to the damaged house later, but moved on, apparently thinking it was empty as the family hid in the hallway, she said. In recent days, hundreds of people — Bedouins as well as Druze and Christians — have evacuated Sweida in convoys of buses carrying them to other areas, organized by the Syrian Red Crescent. Others have found their own way out. Micheline Jaber, a public employee in the provincial government in Sweida, was trying to flee the clashes last week with her husband, in-laws and extended family members when the two cars they were driving in came under shelling. She was wounded but survived, along with her mother-in-law and the young son of one of her husband's siblings. Her husband and the rest of the family members who were fleeing with them were killed. Someone, Jaber doesn't know who, loaded her and the other two survivors in a car and drove them to an ambulance crew, which evacuated them to a hospital outside of the city. She was then taken to another hospital in the southwestern city of Daraa, and finally transported to Damascus. She's now staying with friends in the Damascus suburb of Jaramana, her arms encased in bandages. 'When the shell hit the car, I came out alive — I was able to get out of the car and walk normally,' Jaber said. 'When you see all the people who died and I'm still here, I don't understand it. God has His reasons.' The one thing that comforts her is that her 15-year-old daughter was with her parents elsewhere at the time and was not harmed. 'My daughter is the most important thing and she is what gives me strength,' Jaber said. ___ Abou AlJoud reported from Beirut.

Are Syria's Kurds next at risk of sectarian violence?
Are Syria's Kurds next at risk of sectarian violence?

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Yahoo

Are Syria's Kurds next at risk of sectarian violence?

In the aftermath of the latest violence against minorities in Syria, military representatives of Syria's largest minority, the around 2.5 million Kurds, have now clarified that for them, "disarmament is a red line." On Thursday, Farhad Shami, the spokesperson for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), told the local TV channel al-Youm TV that "those betting on our capitulation will lose, the tragic events have made that clear." He was referring to the deadly violence between Bedouin Arab tribes and the third-largest religious minority, the Druze, which rattled the country earlier this month. Stating the SDF's "red line" is all the more significant, as Syria's Kurds are also politically at a critical juncture. A planned meeting on Thursday in Paris about key details of an earlier peace deal between the Kurds and Syria's interim government led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa was postponed, and has not yet been rescheduled. The sticking points of the agreement, meant to be implemented by the end of the year, are the integration of the Kurdish forces into Damascus' national army and the authority over Syria's Kurdish region with its border crossings to Iraq and Turkey, as well as the region's oil fields and prisons with thousands of "Islamic State" fighters. Meanwhile, a Syrian government source told the news agency AFP that "using the events in Sweida or along the coast [where violence against the Alawite minority took place in spring this year] to justify refusing to return to the state fold is a manipulation of public opinion." "A genuine national dialogue cannot happen under the threat of weapons or with backing from foreign powers," the source added. Turkey warns Kurds against exploiting tensions On Wednesday, however, The Associated Press news agency reported that Damascus had requested Turkey's support to strengthen Syrian defense capabilities. Ankara is known as fierce supporter of Syria's interim president. Turkey also considers the Kurds in Syria to be affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers' Party, PKK, which is categorized as terrorist organization by Turkey, the EU and US. Therefore, Turkey would like to see the Syrian Kurdish forces either integrate in Syria's national army, or to lay down their weapons along with the recently announced end of the PKK and the symbolic weapons' destruction ceremony in Iraqi Kurdistan on July 11. Turkey has also been trying to clinch a defense agreement with Damascus. But such a deal would reportedly include establishing Turkish military bases on Syrian territory, presumably in Syria's northeast where the Kurdish population resides under the administration of the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. According to the AP agency, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan has warned Kurdish and other groups in Syria against exploiting the tensions in Syria's south to pursue autonomy. He also stated that any attempt to divide Syria would be viewed as a direct threat to Turkey's national security and could prompt intervention. While it remains to be seen if, or to what extent, the Syrian Kurds will maintain their semi-autonomy in Syria's northeast within the frame of the peace deal with Damascus, it is the general quest for autonomy that differentiates the Kurds from other factions in the country. However, all have called on Damascus to uphold their rights as minorities in the country. "If minorities such as the Druze, Alawites and Christians are not granted inclusive rights, the Kurds will not give up any of their specific demands either," Mohamed Noureddine, a Beirut-based Middle East professor at the Lebanese University, told DW. "Unless the administration of Ahmed al-Sharaa in Damascus establishes a dialogue and adopts a constitution that treats all citizens equally, there will be no stability," he said. Al-Sharaa has repeatedly said he will uphold the rights of minorities and guarantee protection, although not all the factions of his government support this stance. Recent attacks on minorities were allegedly exacerbated by governmental forces. Will Israel, US get involved? "If the Kurds feel significantly threatened by Turkish offerings of security sector support to Damascus, I could easily see Israel taking advantage of that," said Natasha Hall, a foreign policy expert at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies. "We already know there's been a relationship between Kurds in various countries and Israel, as part of Israel's sort of grander plan to establish relationships with minorities across the Middle East," she told DW. Earlier this month, Israel targeted the headquarters of the Syrian Defense Ministry in central Damascus and government forces in Sweida in support of the Druze minority. "We could see an insurgency in the foreseeable future unless the US decides to actually hold the hand of various warring parties and support security sector reform and the unification of the army," said Hall. In her view, this would also include the safe handoff of the US-backed but Kurdish-run prisons with some 9,000 suspected members of the "Islamic State" terror group, along with some 40,000 IS fighters and their families in Kurdish-led detention camps. If the Kurds and Damascus were aligned in these matters, Hall believes it could also hold Israel back and allay the concerns of the Kurds and the Turks — but only with stringent security agreements and guarantees of rights, she added. "The question is whether or not the administration in Washington has any kind of patience for those details," she said. After 14 years of civil war, a lot needs to be done in Syria's post-conflict environment to address its different factions and shattered economy. "Balancing the different ideologies in warring factions in Syria would be challenging for any Syrian leader," said Hall. "Even if you were talking about someone with a very clean record, not Ahmed al-Sharaa [who used to have links to Islamist extremist groups before he became the country's interim president in December], this would be a very difficult balancing act, to say the least." However, in her view, for Syria and all of the Syrian minorities it is not just a "nice thing" to have national reconciliation. "It is something that is very necessary to ensure stability and peace for the future." This article was originally written in German.

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