Foreign Minister on NZ condemning war in Gaza
New Zealand is among twenty-five countries and the European Union that have released a joint statement urging that the war in Gaza must end now. Minister of Foreign Affairs Winston Peters spoke to Ingrid Hipkiss.
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NZ Herald
2 hours ago
- NZ Herald
‘He really miscalculated the reaction' - new curbs on anti-corruption watchdogs have alarmed Ukrainians
The protesters arrived with their children and dogs, on prosthetic legs and in wheelchairs, carrying blue-and-yellow Ukrainian flags and shouting for the Government to revoke the law, which has stoked immense public outrage, alarmed former officials and raised consternation among Ukraine's European allies who are becoming the country's main lifeline for weapons and economic aid amid uncertain support from the United States. A woman stands wrapped in a Ukrainian flag during Wednesday's protests. Photo / Ed Ram, for the Washington Post 'This is how democracy should look,' said Anton Avrynskyi, 41, a tech entrepreneur who joined the crowds with his wife, Vitaliia, and their 9-year-old son, Ivan. During wartime, the country must stay united behind the president, he said - but should also not fear correcting his mistakes. 'We are here to help him not make wrong decisions,' Avrynskyi said. The law has put a spotlight on Ukraine's history of endemic corruption, which has long been used by the country's detractors to criticise it. It could also affect Ukraine's candidacy to join the European Union. As crowds gathered for a second night in a row, Zelenskyy showed signs of imminent backtracking. The President said he had 'heard what people are saying these days' and would propose 'a plan of concrete steps that could strengthen the rule of law in Ukraine'. He suggested a draft law that would ensure the independence of all of the country's anti-corruption institutions. The masses appeared unsatisfied with his response, and many said they were appalled by how quickly the Government rammed through the law without assessing public opinion, which some saw as a signal it was veering towards unchecked autocracy. Mariia Golota, 35, who is nearly nine months pregnant, carried a sign that read 'I want to give birth in a fair Ukraine'. 'We choose to live here and if you live here you have to fight for fair laws and transparency,' Golota said. The law seemed to be rushed through parliament so 'that maybe no one will notice', said her husband, Danylo Golota, who serves in Ukraine's Third Assault Brigade. 'Most people are ready to stand up and go protest and fight. We lost too much so we are not ready to just swallow something we don't like.' The demonstrators gathered in front of a theatre on Ivan Franko Square, near the presidential administration, in far greater numbers than the estimated 2000 people who protested on Wednesday, shouting, 'Shame!' The presidential headquarters now sit behind several checkpoints and are surrounded by small mountains of sandbags to protect against Russian airstrikes. The crowds sang the national anthem, chanted 'Glory to Ukraine's Armed Forces' and resurrected popular chants from revolutions past, including 'Together we are many - we cannot be defeated!' Some young people climbed onto the theatre's balconies, waving Ukrainian flags and leading the cheers. Others perched on fountains and statues or put out lawn chairs and picnic blankets. Oleh, 39, a Ukrainian soldier, lost his left leg in battle late last year. He said he joined the crowds because he fears the law will risk Ukraine's future in the European Union - the same future he fought for in the country's east until he stepped on a Russian antipersonnel mine near the city of Toretsk. 'It's just offensive even as a civilian,' Oleh said. 'From a military standpoint, it's also offensive that those boys are standing there fighting, and in-house this is what's happening.' Barbara Varvara, 18, walked with her dog, Manya, who was put up for adoption after she was wounded in the eastern Donetsk region several months ago. A sign around Manya's neck read: 'Soon, even dogs won't want to live here'. 'We have so much corruption in our country and we can't do anything,' Varvara said. 'I'm here to show we are against that.' The law, which was adopted by the parliament and signed by Zelenskyy, places Nabu and Sapo under the control of the general prosecutor's office, which critics say effectively abolishes their independence. The two institutions were the main anti-corruption bodies created as part of an aggressive campaign against public graft and other malfeasance since Ukraine's 2014 Maidan Revolution, when hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets in part because they were fed up with rampant corruption under President Viktor Yanukovych. The two bodies functioned free of outside control. Yesterday, Zelenskyy, who had tried to frame the law as a way of strengthening the anti-corruption effort, met the heads of the country's law enforcement and anti-corruption bodies, including Nabu and Sapo. After the meeting, however, Nabu and Sapo issued a joint statement, saying that the 'legislative changes adopted yesterday significantly limit' their independence. 'To restore full and independent work, clear and unambiguous steps are needed at the legislative level to restore the guarantees that were abolished by parliament,' the statement said. Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko, who attended the first protest on Wednesday, posted on social media that those responsible for the law were 'dragging Ukraine faster into authoritarianism'. Ukrainian lawmakers who voted against the bill said Zelenskyy severely underestimated both the domestic and international reaction to the move, which is seen as an effort to rein in officials tasked with independently investigating corruption cases - including those that may reach close to the President's inner circle. The move appeared to reflect Zelenskyy's growing distance from the generation that ushered in a new democratic era after the 2014 revolution - many of whom are now among those fighting on the front lines for the same democratic values they championed on the streets more than a decade ago. 'The scariest thing is that it will be used by our foes,' said Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, a lawmaker from Ukraine's European Solidarity Party, who fears outsiders will use the debacle to try to paint Ukraine as a nation that remains mired in corruption. Klympush-Tsintsadze, who worked extensively on Ukraine's bid to join the EU, voted against the law. Protesters gather on a road leading to the Ukrainian president's office. Photo / Ed Ram, for the Washington Post Russia, which has long amplified the narrative of corruption in Ukraine, was quick to leap on the development, with Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov saying yesterday that American and European tax dollars have 'been plundered'. Russia has long been criticized by the West for having one of the world's worst records on corruption. Zelenskyy's signing of the law tested the unwritten agreement between Ukrainian society and government that there will not be a political uprising during wartime because of the shared understanding that Russia is the enemy, said Volodymyr Ariev, a lawmaker who belongs to the same party as Klympush-Tsintsadze. 'He really miscalculated the reaction of the society,' he said of Zelenskyy. 'We are fighting against Russia not only as a country but as a model.' European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called Zelenskyy to convey 'her strong concerns about the consequences of the amendments' and 'requested the Ukrainian Government for explanations', a spokesperson for the European Commission said. 'The respect for the rule of law and the fight against corruption are core elements of the European Union,' the spokesperson said. 'As a candidate country, Ukraine is expected to uphold these standards fully. There cannot be a compromise.' On Tuesday, agents from Ukraine's security service, the SBU, the general prosecutor's office, and the State Bureau of Investigation raided Nabu offices, claiming the existence of a 'Russian 'mole' in one of the bureau's elite units,' SBU head Vasyl Maliuk said. Many Ukrainians flatly rejected the Government's justifications for the law, however. The move against the agencies also comes a month after Nabu opened a criminal case against Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov on charges of 'abuse of office and receiving undue benefits in substantial amounts for himself and third parties'. It was one of the highest-level corruption cases since Zelenskyy became president six years ago, targeting one of the closest allies of his powerful chief of staff, Andriy Yermak. Chernyshov denied the charges, but he lost his position in last week's government reshuffle.
The Spinoff
2 hours ago
- The Spinoff
Winston Peters intervened to stop diplomat accounts posting about Pride Month
Exclusive: After years of posting generic sentiments during Pride Month, New Zealand's diplomatic posts were silent this year following a directive from the foreign affairs minister. Minister of foreign affairs Winston Peters personally intervened to stop New Zealand's diplomatic posts around the world from posting about Pride Month on social media, documents show. New Zealand's embassies and high commissions around the world have regularly posted about Pride Month in the past, sharing New Zealand milestones such as being the first country to grant women the vote and to have openly transgender MPs, as well as celebrating legislative freedoms like marriage equality. The posts on Facebook and other social media often included photos or footage of key diplomatic staff marching in Pride parades. But when a batch of similar social media drafts were circulated with the minister's office for 'awareness' earlier this year, Peters' office intervened – leading to a new directive being issued to all posts (embassies and high commissions) about social media use, including a warning regarding posting about Pride Month from official Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Mfat) accounts. Documents released to The Spinoff under the Official Information Act show the draft social media posts themselves were fairly anodyne and similar to the material posted in the years prior. One draft post, featuring a photo of a Pride gathering, read: 'It's #PrideMonth and we are sharing our history. Pride festivals and fairs began in New Zealand in the 1970s and 1980s. Many of these festivals were a response to the global late-stage HIV pandemic and enabled the community to come together.' The posts were included in a document pack prepared by Mfat's central communications division, which noted that New Zealand's support for rainbow community rights was one of 'seven thematic human rights focus areas'. 'New Zealand's support for rainbow communities is grounded in the core human rights principles of equality, dignity, and non-discrimination,' the document read. 'Demonstrating that support through the Ministry's social media accounts is a strand of New Zealand's 'soft diplomacy'. In some countries, especially minimally restrictive countries where the host country has made some positive steps, demonstrating our visible commitment to the human rights of rainbow communities can build connection and understanding with community groups or government stakeholders, potentially opening the door to further discussion on these issues.' The minister's office did not respond for several weeks, but after a prompting on WhatsApp, senior advisor Michael Appleton wrote back on May 27, explaining the minister's discomfort. His exact guidance was redacted but the directive is clear from surrounding statements – a halt to the proposed posts. '…in line with earlier guidance issued by DCE-P, he [Peters] made the point that he views Mfat's social media channels as being primarily for use to communicate New Zealand's positions on foreign and trade policy issues and to document our engagement with other countries,' Appleton wrote. 'I accept this is not a binary, black and white, either/or choice – but I am seeking to locate [the minister of foreign affairs] MFA's preference on Pride Month content in the wider context of his views on the proper / appropriate scope of the Ministry's social media content.' The email continued: 'I hasten to add that the guidance above should not be read as having wider implications for our human rights diplomacy […] or for what activities / events our Post network choose to undertake/attend (which will be context-specific and driven by Post judgments, overseen by regional divisions, about how to promote New Zealand interests).' This email resulted in a directive to all posts on 'UPDATING MINISTRY SOCIAL MEDIA GUIDELINES' – sent three days later on May 30, just before Pride Month began. The summary notes that MFAT is updating its social media guidelines and that this update will be 'informed closely by MFA's [Peters] direction that social media platforms should be focused on the communication and advancement of New Zealand's foreign and trade policy positions.' It is noted that 'this will impact the Ministry's social media engagement, most immediately, in relation to Pride Month.' The exact way this applies to Pride Month is detailed in two redacted paragraphs, which were redacted under section 9(2)(g)(i) of the Act, meaning 'to maintain the effective conduct of public affairs through the free and frank expression of opinions'. The redacted paragraphs are followed by a statement that 'this should not be read as having wider implications for our human rights diplomacy more broadly'. No posts concerning Pride Month in 2025 appeared on any of the dozen Mfat social media channels reviewed by The Spinoff. One post about global trade tensions did feature a rainbow umbrella. The Spinoff asked Peters to detail his exact direction to posts and why he intervened. 'The minister believes New Zealand's diplomatic network should be focused on advancing New Zealand's interests,' a spokesperson responded. 'The minister naturally has views about how New Zealand should conduct its diplomacy. One of those views is that social media content published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade and its post network should primarily be focused on communicating New Zealand's positions on foreign and trade policy issues, in line with our policy priorities agreed by cabinet, and on documenting our engagement with other countries.' Peters' own legislative record stands in direct contrast to many of the milestones championed by past social media posts – he voted against legalising gay sex between men in 1986, and against same-sex marriage in 2013. The Spinoff asked if this history had any part to play in the decision, but did not receive a direct response. His office was also asked what its message would be to any queer diplomats who were angered by the decision. The spokesperson said Peters' record of support for diplomats spoke for itself. 'The minister has the utmost respect for New Zealand's diplomats and the important work they do on behalf of all New Zealanders. This has been consistently demonstrated over three terms as foreign minister in Mr Peters' public remarks and his approach to foreign affairs resourcing.'
RNZ News
2 hours ago
- RNZ News
The value of Youth MPs put under a question mark
Photo: VNP/Louis Collins A former politician says change is needed to the Youth Parliament system if it's to stay relevant. MP-turned political commentator Peter Dunne says the scheme isn't just "a rag-tag collection of young people coming together for a couple of days to play at being MPs", but if the event is going to be taken seriously, more consistency is required around its processes. That's not the case at the moment, in everything from how the teens are selected to the quality of the mentorship they're getting. The tri-annual event usually passes under the media radar, but this year's event was overshadowed by what a handful of Youth MPs said was censorship of their speeches . Dunne says he could understand the intention behind the message from the Ministry of Youth Development, which asked some students to remove parts of their speeches where they lacked political neutrality, but the issue could have been handled better. In the end, none of the students were stopped from making their speeches, even if they didn't make the changes. Youth Parliament has been held every three years for the past three decades and is described by the government as, "a unique opportunity for young New Zealanders to learn first-hand about our democracy, influence government decision-making, and have their voices heard". In many ways it's like the real thing, with MPs selecting teens to represent them for a couple of days in Parliament where they debate, give speeches and discuss fictional legislation. Dunne says often the young adults outshine the older MPs. "The contrast has usually been between the impeccable behaviour of the youth MPs and the somewhat unruly behaviour of their adult counterparts," he says. The first Youth Parliament was held in 1995 and initially was just a couple of days. Now the programme has expanded, running from April to August and Dunne questions how much teens take out of those extra two months and 29 days. "And more importantly, what weight is attached to that? They've got no formal status in the community, so what role can they play?" he asks. Dunne says much of what the young aspiring politicians learn and do is dependent on the MP they are mentored by. "In some cases they won't do very much, in some cases the MP will work actively with them and assign them a particular project," Dunne says. There also aren't any rules around how MPs select their mentee. Some get applicants to write essays, this year David Seymour held an election, and Dunne says a couple just shoulder tap the kids of a mate. "The time is right to have a proper review into its function and purpose, including the role of the Youth MPs, how they're selected and what are reasonable expectations of them. "Because I think that with a much clearer focus the youth parliament can play a much greater role than it has done to date," Dunne says. Oscar Duffy, representing List MP Melissa Lee became interested in politics last year when his nan was in hospital. "She's a Māori lady and she didn't have the best experience ... so that was a pretty key driver in me being interested in what's going on. "Obviously there's so much tension between Māori and the Crown ... and that affects my family really directly," he says. Duffy agrees that the degree of mentorship varies. He spent substantial time working on projects in his community and in Lee's Mount Albert office but says others didn't have the same experience. "[Ministers] have no time right? Ministers are so busy, I roomed with Simeon Brown's Youth MP and he didn't really see Simeon a lot, if at all," he says. Duffy sees youth parliament as an opportunity for those interested in politics to get an insight into the system. He says everyone attending this year had a keen interest in advocacy and change-making, but he admits that at times some see their role as more important than it is. "There's just a lot of politically charged people in one room. "Putting them all in the same room is great and it gets everyone talking to each other and firing off really good initiatives ... but yeah I guess some of them do think they are a bit more important than they are which is a shame because they probably should be more important and have more of a say," he says. But if he could change one thing Duffy would raise the age bracket because he thinks 16 is too young. "Even just move it up one year, 17-19, so there's more first year uni students who have been through high school, who have seen the whole system," he says. Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here . You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter .
