Upper House election likely to take place July 20
The administration of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba thinks that there is no need to extend the parliamentary session beyond the scheduled end date of June 22 after legislation on reforms to the public pension system was enacted Friday.
The public offices election law stipulates that a triennial Upper House election be held between 24 days and 30 days after the end of a parliamentary session, meaning that this year's election will likely take place on July 20.
Whether the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan will submit a no-confidence motion against the Ishiba Cabinet is set to be the main focus in the closing days of the current parliamentary session.
Ishiba is not expected to call a snap election for the Lower House unless the CDP files a no-confidence motion.
Many CDP lawmakers are taking a cautious stance on submitting a no-confidence motion out of concern over a lack of preparedness for a Lower House election and over a possible backlash against creating a political vacuum.
CDP leader Yoshihiko Noda, speaking to reporters on Saturday in a Tokyo suburb, reiterated that he will decide what to do over a no-confidence motion "in a comprehensive and appropriate way and in an appropriate timing."
The CDP has been pressing for votes on a bill that would lower the gasoline tax and another that would introduce a selective dual surname system, issues that Ishiba's ruling coalition is reluctant to pursue. This may influence Noda's decision on a no-confidence motion.
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The region offers EU single market access, lower costs than Western Europe, highly skilled technical workforces and governments eager for Asian investment that doesn't compromise their sovereignty. Hungary's 'connectivity strategy,' promoting economic neutrality and bridging East and West, aligns closely with Japan's desire to avoid choosing sides. Poland's growing defense industry seeks partners for advanced technology. Romania's energy sector requires precisely the clean technology expertise Japan possesses. The cost of Japan's Central European absence extends beyond lost commercial opportunities. It weakens Tokyo's leverage with both Washington and Beijing. A Japan more deeply integrated into European value chains would be less vulnerable to U.S. economic coercion or Chinese supply-chain pressure. It would strengthen Japan's voice in global governance, provide alternative markets during geopolitical tensions and create constituencies in Europe invested in Japan's success. 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