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JPMorgan Chase (JPM) CEO Jamie Dimon Warns of ‘Market Complacency'

JPMorgan Chase (JPM) CEO Jamie Dimon Warns of ‘Market Complacency'

Business Insider17 hours ago
JPMorgan Chase (JPM) CEO Jamie Dimon is warning of market complacency and looming inflation risks to the U.S. economy and stock market.
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Speaking to Ireland's Department of Foreign Affairs, Dimon, who leads the world's largest commercial bank, issued a downbeat outlook, saying there is 'complacency in the markets' and that investors have become a 'little desensitized' to tariff news.
He also warned that inflation could re-emerge as a significant problem in the U.S. and that there's a real risk of interest rates rising again. 'The market is pricing a 20% chance (of a rate hike), I would price in a 40-50% chance. I would put that as a cause for concern,' said Dimon.
Vulnerabilities
In June of this year, Dimon told a conference that the U.S. economy was vulnerable 'to a downturn in the coming months,' with a 'chance real numbers will deteriorate soon.' The comments from Dimon, who has led JPMorgan since 2006, come as U.S. President Donald Trump resurrects his tariff agenda.
In recent days, President Trump has threatened 50% duties on Brazilian imports, a 50% duty on copper, and 35% tariffs on Canada. While U.S. markets are down on July 11 over worries about Trump's tariffs, Wall Street indices are currently sitting near all-time highs as investors remain largely bullish on equities.
Dimon has repeatedly warned that tariffs will have an impact on the U.S. economy and markets in coming months and that investors and traders should proceed with caution. JPM stock has gained 21% this year.
Is JPM Stock a Buy?
The stock of JPMorgan Chase has a consensus Moderate Buy rating among 21 Wall Street analysts. That rating is based on 15 Buy, four Hold, and two Sell recommendations issued in the last three months. The average JPM price target of $295.10 implies 3.42% upside from current levels.
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Second Quarter Earnings Season Preview
Second Quarter Earnings Season Preview

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time30 minutes ago

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Second Quarter Earnings Season Preview

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Earnings season begins: Pay attention to all the tariff talk
Earnings season begins: Pay attention to all the tariff talk

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Earnings season begins: Pay attention to all the tariff talk

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‘One big beautiful bill,' and 4 Republicans who abandoned their principles
‘One big beautiful bill,' and 4 Republicans who abandoned their principles

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timean hour ago

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‘One big beautiful bill,' and 4 Republicans who abandoned their principles

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Here are profiles of four Republicans who shelved their principles. Rep. David Valadao (R-Calif.), whose district contains one of the nation's highest percentages of Medicaid recipients, stated unequivocally that he would not support legislation 'that includes any reduction in Medicaid coverage for vulnerable populations.' Nonetheless, he voted for the House bill. Valadao then expressed concerns about changes in the Senate: 'I've been clear from the start that I will not support a final reconciliation bill that makes harmful cuts to Medicaid, puts critical funding at risk, or threatens the stability of healthcare providers.' Although the Senate reduced Medicaid appropriations by almost a trillion dollars and cut almost in half the tax states can impose on private healthcare providers, a 'vital stream' of income for the program, Valadao voted for the final bill. It 'was not an easy decision,' Valadao said, but 'no piece of legislation is perfect.' The Senate bill, he claimed, 'does preserve the program for its intended recipients — children, pregnant women, the disabled and elderly.' And it included a fund to give rural hospitals a few years to adjust to reduced revenues. Going forward, Valadao promised to work hard to identify and mitigate risks. In December 2024, Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) did not accede to President-Elect Trump's demand that Republicans raise the debt ceiling by $5 trillion dollars. 'I'm absolutely sickened,' he proclaimed, 'by a party that campaigned on fiscal responsibility and has the temerity to go forward to the American people and say you think this is fiscally responsible.' This spring, however, Roy voted for the reconciliation bill, which included that $5 trillion increase in the debt ceiling and added trillions to the deficit, after Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) agreed to advance implementation of the work requirement in Medicaid from 2029 to 2026. 'Mediocre but passable,' he said, the bill still needed 'massive improvements if we are to make a dent in our deficit or to change the trajectory of this country.' The Senate 'failed us,' Roy claimed. We can 'amend it, send it back, fix it … Happy to stay here every day until we get it right.' Yet within days, Roy announced he was convinced the Trump administration would use executive orders and other legislation 'to ameliorate those areas' made worse by the Senate — and voted for the final bill. Asked about Musk's characterization of the House bill, Sen Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) replied, 'He's telling the truth.' The legislation doesn't 'bend the deficit curve down. It supports it going up.' Johnson indicated 'there's no way' he would support a bill that sustained this 'new normal.' He was untroubled by the president's threat that anyone who opposed his bill would face a primary challenge: 'I'd be happy to be done with politics.' After meeting with Trump and members of his staff, however, Johnson indicated he was satisfied they were 'committed' to reducing federal spending to pre-pandemic levels: 'A rigorous effort will soon be announced,' he added, 'to review every program and every line of the federal budget, looking for ways to… put America on the path to fiscal sustainability.' Johnson voted for a Senate bill that added about a trillion dollars more to the national debt than the House bill. After the Senate passed Trump's bill, a reporter asked Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) about the assertion by Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) that instead of joining him, Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) and Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) to defeat the legislation, she engineered 'a bailout for Alaska at the expense of the rest of the rest of the country.' After a long pause, Murkowski, who had 'made very clear' in June that 'we cannot go forward with a bill that makes cuts to Medicare,' replied, 'I know that in many parts of the country there are Americans that are not going to be advantaged by this bill … But when I saw the direction that this is going — you know you can either say, 'I don't like it' and not try to help my state, or you can roll up your sleeves.' Murkowski used her leverage to delay the requirement that states with high food stamp error rates, including Alaska, contribute more to the cost of benefits. Alaska and Hawaii received waivers of food stamp work requirements based on high unemployment rates in their states. And the bill provided tax relief for whaling boat captains. 'This has been an awful process,' Murkowski explained, 'a frantic race to meet an artificial deadline.' As the legislation returned to the House, she expressed her 'sincere hope that this is not the final product.' While she had made improvements for Alaska, this bill 'is not good enough for the rest of the nation — and we all know it.' It 'needs more work across chambers and is not ready for the president's desk.' In the months before the 2026 elections, Democrats will almost certainly be quoting Valadao, Roy, Johnson and Murkowski, and making the point that promises by allegedly principled Republican politicians are nothing but 'sound and fury, signifying nothing.' Glenn C. Altschuler is the Thomas and Dorothy Litwin Emeritus Professor of American Studies at Cornell University.

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