South Africa's human rights crisis: Calls for action ahead of National Dialogue
Civil rights organisation, Amnesty International South Africa, has urged President Cyril Ramaphosa to redirect the R700 million allocated for the National Dialogue.
The organisation advocates for this budget to be invested instead in safeguarding and fulfilling the basic human rights of South African citizens.
Ramaphosa formally announced the National Dialogue last month. It is intended to be a platform for reflection on the nation's current state, envisioning its future, and establishing the foundation for the upcoming National Development Plan.
The process, scheduled for August 15, 2025, will unfold in phases, including local consultations and sectoral engagements, to provincial and national gatherings, over the period of a year.
Ramaphosa also pointed out that this is a chance for South Africans to shape the next chapter of democracy, adding that it is an opportunity to forge a new social compact for the development of the country.
While South Africa's transition to democracy years ago was a landmark event, the country continues to grapple with significant challenges stemming from its past and present realities.
Despite progress in some areas, deep-seated issues such as poverty, inequality and unemployment persist, often linked to the legacy of apartheid and the slow pace of land reform.
Furthermore, corruption and state capture have undermined public institutions and service delivery, impacting basic services like water, electricity, and healthcare.
Amnesty International South Africa's executive director, Shenilla Mohamed, said that while nation-building and social cohesion are important, the government should ensure that the budget allocated does not come at the expense of addressing the country's most pressing challenges.
'Most of the country's population lives in dire conditions and does not have access to basic essential services such as water and sanitation,' said Mohamed.
'Repeatedly, we hear people complaining of raw sewerage flowing through townships, inadequate housing, poor medical services, lack of quality education, high rates of gender-based violence, crime, and the list goes on. To address these violations and ensure the fulfilment of basic human rights, we need more government action and increased investment,' she said.
Asked to comment on the statement, Ramaphosa's spokesperson Vincent Mangwenya did not respond.
Amnesty stated that, despite a progressive legal landscape, rates of sexual and gender-based violence remain staggeringly high, with the number of reported offences in 2023/2024 sitting at 53,285, adding that the South African Police Service continues to fail in ensuring quality investigations.
The organisation said that when it comes to basic services, over 3 million people have no access to basic water supply service, while 5.3 million households do not have access to safe and reliable drinking water.
'Decades of corruption and the mismanagement of public funds have weakened the government's ability to safeguard the country's water security, especially in the face of climate change and extreme weather events. Climate change is another threat to a wide range of human rights and will continue to impact the rights to life, health, housing, water, and sanitation. Without proper investment in climate-resilient infrastructure, we will continue to see destruction and loss of life during floods and other extreme weather events.
'There are a number of ways to spend R700 million. We urge the South African government to invest in the protection and fulfilment of people's human rights,' said Mohamed.
Meanwhile, political analyst Professor Sipho Seepe said the National Dialogue is a costly distraction meant to give the impression that Ramaphosa's administration is doing something.
He said this is all about smoke and mirrors, something that Ramaphosa has mastered and perfected.
'The National Dialogue has no legal and constitutional standing. Its recommendations are not legally binding. To that extent, it is just another talkshop that is meant to cover up Ramaphosa's glaring failures,' he said.
Another political analyst, Ntsikelelo Breakfast, said there is no need for the National Dialogue to uncover challenges facing the country, adding that they are well-known.
[email protected]
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
IOL News
4 hours ago
- IOL News
Public Works Minister takes action against alleged political abuse in Matjhabeng's EPWP
EPWP payments frozen in Matjhabeng amid claims of councillors receiving over R31,000 monthly; Minister vows to root out corruption and restore the programme's core purpose. Minister of Public Works and Infrastructure Dean Macpherson has halted all Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) fund transfers to the Matjhabeng Local Municipality. This comes after a City Press investigation revealed that the municipality's EPWP payroll is allegedly being used to pay inflated salaries, over R31,000 per month , to former councillors and current political office bearers, more than ten times the average EPWP stipend. Macpherson said the EPWP was never meant to serve as a vehicle for political patronage, but rather to provide short-term, skills-based work opportunities to unemployed South Africans. He has now instructed the Department of Public Works and Infrastructure to suspend all transfers to the municipality until a formal investigation is completed.
The Star
4 hours ago
- The Star
Trump's Tariffs Must Sow the Seeds for a National Reawakening
Zamikhaya Maseti | Published 9 hours ago Zamikhaya Maseti On August 1, 2025 , South Africa will enter a zone of strategic economic pain, engineered not by global market fluctuations, but by the vengeful hands of conservative economic nationalism. The United States, under the reins of Donald J. Trump, will impose a 30 per cent tariff on all goods and products exported from South Africa to the American markets. This is not a policy of trade readjustment; it is a geoeconomic act of hostility. The justification, wrapped in the language of " reciprocity, " is in reality a strategic blow aimed at disciplining South Africa's geopolitical posture and diplomatic boldness. Trump's economic nationalism, which sits at the ideological centre of Conservative Republicanism, is not merely inward-looking. It is punitive, retaliatory, and profoundly regressive. It has shaken the global trade architecture, not to recalibrate it, but to bend it in favour of America's new mercantilist order. This doctrine does not merely target trade imbalances; it punishes defiance. South Africa is now paying the price for standing on principle, particularly for its posture on Palestine and its landmark case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. It is clear, painfully so, that South Africa is being economically strangled not for what it trades, but for what it believes. Some Western analysts, ever keen to defend the status quo, will dispute this. They will search for economic rationality in an act that is blatantly political. Let them continue their intellectual gymnastics. This moment calls for clarity, not politeness. The truth is that Trump's worldview is transactional and tribal, and in that logic, South Africa has become collateral. That South Africa is seen as an irritant in Washington's new world order is not coincidental; it is structural. And let it be said without fear, Trump's policy on South Africa is influenced not only by economic calculations but by the mythologies peddled by actors like AfriForum and Elon Musk, who have exported the lie of white genocide into America's political bloodstream. But this is not the time for victimhood, nor is it the moment for diplomatic lamentation. It is time for South Africa to do some difficult thinking and embrace a new, muscular pragmatism . Diplomatic efforts, however noble, are unlikely to change Trump's position. Minister Parks Tau and his diplomatic team may work tirelessly, but they are facing a political machine that does not respond to nuance. Trump's narrative is fixed , and in that narrative, South Africa is an unfriendly trading partner whose tariffs harm American interests. He argues, correctly or not, that South African import duties and market access protocols are unfavourable to US goods. That argument, however flawed, resonates with his domestic base, and therefore it will stand. The United States will not blink , and it will not backtrack . Thus, it is not sufficient for South Africa to hope against hope; it must respond. Minister Parks Tau, trade envoys, and industrial leaders must now do the hard intellectual and strategic labour of repositioning the country's economic posture. Nowhere is this urgency more pressing than in the automotive sector, a critical node of South Africa's manufacturing ecosystem. This sector is not only a source of direct jobs; it sustains a complex web of downstream industries, from component manufacturing and logistics to retail and after-market services. It is here that the 30 per cent tariff will hit hardest, and it is here that innovation, not inertia, must be summoned . The sector must accept that the American market , for the foreseeable future, has lost ground. The time has come for South Africa to pivot decisively toward other markets, especially those aligned with its economic diplomacy ambitions. The first option lies in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the single largest integrated market on the continent , and the largest globally by number of countries. With over 1.3 billion people and a combined GDP exceeding $3.4 trillion, the AfCFTA offers South Africa a natural and politically friendly trading space. Sub-Saharan Africa, in particular, presents high-value demand for affordable, durable automotive products, especially among its emerging middle classes and youthful populations. Research shows that more than 60 per cent of the region's population is under the age of 25, representing a long-term demand curve that is not speculative, but empirically grounded. Yet, South African companies have been slow to leverage this opportunity. There remains an unhealthy fog of Afro-pessimism and the lingering delusion of South African exceptionalism. These intellectual blindfolds must be cast aside . Africa is not a dumping ground; it is a destination for growt h. The automotive industry must shift from waiting for trade to come to it and instead begin creating strategic partnerships in East, West, and Central Africa. This includes setting up joint ventures, service hubs, and low-cost satellite assembly plants across regional economic communities. The second and equally strategic option lies in a new industrial partnership with China. The presence and popularity of Chinese-made vehicles in the South African domestic market has reached a saturation point. They are competitively priced, technologically competent, and now represent a serious challenge to traditional brands. But if left unmanaged, this trend could lead to the hollowing out of South Africa's manufacturing base. South Africa must use its BRICS membership as a strategic lever. China must be persuaded to localise the manufacturing of its automotive brands in South Africa. This is not a charity request; it is a strategic proposal. Chinese companies should be invited to co-invest in high-tech manufacturing and assembly infrastructure in Eastern Cape, Gauteng, and KwaZulu-Natal. This could take the form of co-assembled production alongside legacy OEMs like Mercedes-Benz SA, which now face looming layoffs. The South African government must incentivise this localisation through targeted industrial policy, special economic zones, and technology-sharing frameworks. In this regard, the principle of ' South Africa Inc ' must be revived with urgency. Under President Cyril Ramaphosa, South Africa Inc refers to the coordinated use of economic diplomacy, government strategy, and business networks to advance national economic interests abroad. Its objectives are to integrate South African companies into key markets, attract strategic investment, and drive regional industrialisation. In Southern Africa, this approach has already delivered notable success, such as increased South African corporate presence in Zambia, Namibia, and Mozambique, particularly in retail, finance, and energy sectors. Now is the time to bring the automotive sector under this umbrella. South African diplomatic missions across Africa and Asia must be tasked explicitly with facilitating market entry, assembling policy frameworks, and brokering industrial partnerships for local manufacturers. This is not merely export promotion; it is the safeguarding of South Africa's industrial sovereignty. In conclusion, the Trump tariffs should not be seen as the end of a trade relationship, but as the beginning of a deeper national reawakening. The South African government must retool its economic diplomacy, its industrial incentives, and its regional vision. The automotive sector, in particular, must abandon old comfort zones and rise to this moment with the courage of imagination and the rigour of strategy. What is at stake is more than exports; it is the future of South Africa's industrial identity. * Zamikhaya Maseti is a Political Economy Analyst with a Magister Philosophiae (M. PHIL) in South African Politics and Political Economy from the University of Port Elizabeth (UPE), now known as the Nelson Mandela University (NMU). ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
Daily Maverick
6 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Reports link Cyril Ramaphosa campaign to shadowy figure at the heart of cop scandal
Brown Mogotsi, once a key lobbyist for the President's 2017 ANC leadership bid, is now accused of acting as a go-between for Police Minister Senzo Mchunu and alleged crime boss 'Cat' Matlala. He is the shadowy figure at the heart of explosive allegations made by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi – and in the past, he has aligned himself strongly with the politics of President Cyril Ramaphosa. Media reports from around 2017 show that Brown Mogotsi was a fairly high‑profile lobbyist for the ANC presidential campaign of Ramaphosa before the party's elective conference at Nasrec in December 2017. A Sunday Times report from May 2017 names Mogotsi as the 'organiser' of a pro-Ramaphosa lobby group that included regional and provincial ANC leaders. At the time, Mogotsi publicly urged Ramaphosa to leave his Cabinet post if then President Jacob Zuma would not endorse Ramaphosa as his successor. A year later, a Daily Maverick article would refer to Mogotsi as a 'known Ramaphosa campaigner in North West', at the time taking court action against Ramaphosa's perceived political enemies. The Presidency had not responded to Daily Maverick's questions about the nature of Ramaphosa's relationship with Mogotsi, if any, by the time of publication. But the apparent overlap of political circles raises further uncomfortable issues for an administration that came to power on a reformist agenda – and is now being accused of being in unsettling proximity to a complex criminal web. Mogotsi alleged to be go-between for criminal and police minister In Mkhwanazi's provocative 6 July press conference, he accused Mogotsi of acting as an intermediary between Police Minister Senzo Mchunu and alleged criminal Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala, who Mkhwanazi claims is at 'the centre of a sophisticated criminal syndicate operating at the highest levels of the state'. The allegations would subsequently see Ramaphosa place Mchunu on suspension pending an investigation. In particular, Mkhwanazi alleged that there are phone records showing communications and financial transactions between Mchunu, Mogotsi and Matlala, with Matlala allegedly providing Mchunu and Mogotsi with financial support in exchange for having investigations into him lifted. Critical to all this is Mchunu's disbanding of the Political Killings Task Team in December 2024. One of Mkhwanazi's claims is that the task team was going after Matlala, and that it was Mogotsi who sent Matlala a message to tell him that the task team would be disbanded. Mkhwanazi has yet to provide any public evidence of his claims. But Mchunu did himself no favours in the court of public opinion by seeming to do a U-turn on the question of whether he knew Mogotsi. In Parliament in March, Mchunu claimed to have no association with Mogotsi. Yet in a statement on 9 July, in response to the Mkhwanazi press conference, Mchunu said that he 'knows and has met Mr Brown Mogotsi', but described him as 'just a comrade and not an associate of the minister'. In papers lodged on Wednesday, 23 July, in response to the MK party's legal challenge to Mchunu's suspension, Mchunu conceded that he had 'interacted with Mr Mogotsi since 2017, in the presence of other comrades'. Mchunu elaborated further: 'He is a comrade, as we are members of the same political party and have engaged on party and service delivery matters on a number of occasions'. Who is Brown Mogotsi? The man from North West who campaigned so ardently for Ramaphosa in 2017 is shrouded in mystery. Company records scrutinised by Daily Maverick show that Mogotsi was previously listed as a director of some eight companies, including one called 'North West Crimebusters'. All are registered as inactive today. Mogotsi described himself to the Sunday Times in 2017 as an 'ordinary ANC member', but City Press recorded earlier this month that he is 'close to the top echelons of the ANC, including several ministers, especially those who served in MK'. City Press also described him as owning an upmarket bar in Mafikeng from where he is known to 'summon HODs and MECs for instructions on tenders'. Exactly where this apparent political muscle stems from is unclear. Perhaps most curious has been Mogotsi's habit of trying to meddle in provincial politics through a vehicle called the Brown Mogotsi Foundation. Through this, he was instrumental in forcing then North West Premier Supra Mahumapelo out of office in 2018, at least partly because of Mahumapelo's support for Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, rather than Ramaphosa, at the ANC's 2017 Nasrec conference. Most recently, Mogotsi claimed to be an undercover police informant who played a role in the arrest of fugitive rapist Thabo Bester. This smacks of fantasy – but Mogotsi does seem to have access to police intel, if you believe Mkhwanazi. The KZN police commissioner said in his press briefing that Mogotsi had messaged him last September with a picture of a register that is only supposed to be accessible to police. Mogotsi also appears to have knowledge of the law from the other side: he reportedly has at least three previous criminal convictions, including one for assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm. Mkhwanazi allegations are a political firestorm for Ramaphosa To understand why Mkhwanazi's claims amount to such a political headache for Ramaphosa, it's helpful to revisit the political context leading up to the ANC's elective conference at Nasrec in 2017. Senzo Mchunu was one of Ramaphosa's closest allies and was endorsed by Ramaphosa as his preferred candidate, on his 'slate', for secretary general. Mchunu was absolutely critical to Ramaphosa's campaigning because his constituency was in KwaZulu-Natal: the ANC's largest province by membership, and whose delegates to the elective conference were expected to fall in line with former president Jacob Zuma's endorsement and vote for Dlamini Zuma. Throughout the campaign, Mchunu leveraged his regional influence to rally ANC branches and delegates in support of Ramaphosa's message of reform. Notably, local ANC structures that aligned with Mchunu and Ramaphosa faced pushback from the Zuma-aligned KZN leadership; for instance, the ANC's KZN provincial executive committee moved to disband the Lower South Coast regional leadership, which had been campaigning for Ramaphosa, a move widely seen as an attempt to thwart that region's pro-Ramaphosa campaign. This illustrates how Mchunu actively mobilised support for Ramaphosa, triggering resistance from the opposing faction in the province. Mchunu's political role in KZN significantly influenced the dynamics of the 2017 Nasrec conference. By delivering a portion of the KZN delegates to Ramaphosa, Mchunu materially helped narrow the gap between Ramaphosa and Dlamini Zuma. And although it may have been the recently deceased David Mabuza whose Mpumalanga delegates ultimately handed victory to Ramaphosa, Mchunu's contribution cannot be discounted. Mchunu himself would narrowly (and controversially) lose the secretary-general position at that conference to Ace Magashule. But Ramaphosa went on to repay Mchunu for his support with a series of Cabinet posts in which his brand has been low-visibility and also low-controversy. 'While some of Mchunu's leading contemporaries in the ANC have been entangled in one form of scandal or another while amassing fortunes dubiously, the former teacher has largely stayed clear of adverse publicity,' veteran KwaZulu-Natal journalist Cyril Madlala wrote of him in Daily Maverick. That all changed for Mchunu on 6 July with Mkhwanazi's press conference. How much truth is there in the Mkhwanazi allegations? Ramaphosa has acted swiftly on the Mkhwanazi claims: suspending Mchunu and establishing a commission of inquiry to be helmed by Acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga. The President has also suddenly taken action against South Gauteng director of public prosecutions Andrew Chauke – almost two years after National Prosecuting Authority boss Shamila Batohi wrote to Ramaphosa to request his suspension, citing serious concerns about Chauke'sconduct in office – multiple questionable decisions, delays and failures to prosecute high-profile cases involving State Capture and corruption. When Daily Maverick asked the Presidency this week if Ramaphosa's sudden action on Chauke was prompted by the Mkhwanazi press conference, spokesperson Vincent Magwenya demurred, saying: 'The Chauke matter predates Mkhwanazi's allegations.' Yet it is notable that among Mkhwanazi's allegations was that the criminal syndicate he claims to have identified includes 'prosecutors in Gauteng province'. Many South Africans have expressed gratitude to Mkhwanazi for having seemingly prompted unusually decisive action from Ramaphosa – despite the fact that Mkhwanazi's claims remain wholly untested. It remains to be seen what evidence Mkhwanazi will turn over to the Madlanga Commission. But one aspect of the claims – that Mchunu ordered the shuttering of the Political Killings Task Team in December 2024 – did attract attention at the time for being a strange decision. One KwaZulu-Natal expert termed it 'bizarre' at the time, on the grounds that political assassinations tend to increase ahead of local government elections, which are scheduled for 2026. If the commission confirms Mkhwanazi's claims, it will mark a dramatic fall from grace for a political grouping heralded in 2017 as ushering in a new climate of clean governance in stark contrast to the dark days of State Capture. DM
