In Louisiana, it's still safe to call out ethical misdeeds
As Gov. Jeff Landry's assault on state ethics laws continues to unfold, there remains a small glimmer of hope for those who wish to see Louisiana politics to depart from its history of corruption and cronyism.
It comes from the demise of House Bill 160, by Rep. Kellee Hennessy Dickerson, R-Denham Springs, which would have removed confidentiality protections from anyone filing an ethics complaint. A tipster's identity would have been revealed to the elected official, lobbyist, public employee or government contractor they accused of wrongdoing, even if the complaint or tip didn't result in an investigation.
Dickerson placed multiple hindrances in her bill to deter individuals from coming forward with damning information. To submit a tip, complainants would have been required to submit a notarized, signed document by mail or to deliver it in person to the state ethics administration's offices in downtown Baton Rouge, where they would be required to present identification. The representative insisted tipsters need not feel intimidated because, under her bill, they could sue for damages if they were harassed as a result of submitting a tip or complaint.
As with the governor's ethics law upheaval, Dickerson's legislation places the interests of the politically powerful ahead of the individual citizen seeking to do right. The provisions in her bill would have created needless costs, inconvenience and unwarranted public scrutiny for whistleblowers.
Dickerson also wanted to limit what materials ethics investigators could use to begin a probe to materials submitted by government agencies and officials. News reports, which triggered 18 ethics investigations from 2020-23, would have been declared off-limits – an especially disappointing restriction given Dickerson's background as a journalist.
Her motivation for bringing the bill was clear. As a member of the Livingston Parish School Board, she ran afoul of ethics rules in 2023 when she helped a high school teacher obtain a contract to perform construction work on the same campus – a double-dip that's not allowed under state law.
Dickerson, who was running for state representative at the time, was fined $1,500. She said a political opponent brought the incident to the attention of the state ethics board, and she has described the process as 'abusive' and 'very chilling.'
The same words could easily apply to her legislation, which fizzled in the Louisiana Senate after ethics board members wrote to senators asking that they shelve the measure. Dickerson credited their letter with killing her bill, calling their action 'harassing.'
'I guess people fear the retaliation of the ethics board being against it,' Dickerson told the Illuminator.
No, representative. The only thing public officials should fear are the consequences from breaking ethics laws. But as the governor continues to chip away at what are largely toothless regulations to begin with, there's not so much to be frightened of these days.
At least there's some comfort in knowing, at least for now, whistleblowers won't face more scrutiny than the scofflaws they hope to hold accountable.
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Newsweek
3 days ago
- Newsweek
Exclusive: Trump's CECOT Prisoners Went on 'Blood Strike' to Protest Daily Torture: Ex-Inmate
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. When Francisco Javier Casique boarded a deportation flight in March, U.S. immigration officers assured him repeatedly that he was being sent home. "Don't worry," they told him. "You're going to Venezuela." Instead, the plane landed in El Salvador — and Casique, still shackled, found himself inside one of the world's most notorious prisons. "We were labeled as terrorists without evidence," Casique told Newsweek in an exclusive interview after his release from El Salvador's Center for Terrorism Confinement, known as CECOT. "We had no rights, no charges, no lawyers." Casique is one of 252 Venezuelan nationals who were deported by the United States and secretly transferred to CECOT — only to be later released as part of a July prisoner exchange between Washington and Caracas. Only seven of the migrants had serious criminal records. Many, like Casique, had none in either Venezuela or the U.S. Soldiers stand guard as unseen US Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem tours the Terrorist Confinement Center (CECOT) in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 26, 2025. Soldiers stand guard as unseen US Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem tours the Terrorist Confinement Center (CECOT) in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 26, 2025. Photo by Alex Brandon / POOL / AFP) (Photo by ALEX BRANDON/POOL/AFP via Getty Images The notorious supermax prison, built by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele to house violent gang leaders, held the Venezuelan migrants for four months in what Casique and others describe as conditions akin to torture. 'I Was Never Hiding' Casique had crossed the border into the United States in December 2023, entering at the Piedras Negras point-of-entry and turning himself in to U.S. authorities. He was released days later, wearing an ankle monitor, and began working as a barber in Texas. Though he had a standing deportation order, he said he planned to comply with it and return to Venezuela once he had earned enough to support his family. "I was never hiding," Casique said. "I just wanted to work and go back home." Instead, he was arrested again on February 6 of this year. Held in a Texas detention center through mid-March, he said officers gave every indication that he would be returned to his home country. "They told us Venezuela. Every time I asked, they confirmed. It made me feel calmer," he said. Prisoners look out of their cell as Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem tours the Terrorist Confinement Center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, Wednesday, March 26, 2025. Prisoners look out of their cell as Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem tours the Terrorist Confinement Center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, Wednesday, March 26, 2025. AP Photo/Alex Brandon But once the plane landed, the deception became clear. They later discovered the flight was part of a secretive U.S. transfer program, authorized by the Trump administration under the 1798 Alien Enemies Act, which allows the president to deport individuals from "enemy nations" without standard legal procedures. "We looked out the window and the sign said: 'El Salvador International,'" Casique said. "On the plane, they told us it was a 'surprise.' Some guards wouldn't say anything. Some said, 'Don't worry.' But we were confused and anxious." His mother, Mirelys Casique, learned of the transfer through a video posted online by the Salvadoran government. "It's him. It's him!" she told Newsweek in March, recognizing Francisco by his tattoos. "They shaved his head, beat him, and forced him to bow," she said. "They treated him like a criminal, like a dog." Hunger and Blood Strikes, Beatings Once off the plane, Casique said he was shackled and thrown into a bus. "One guard grabbed me by the hair, slammed my head to the bus floor, and threw me into a seat," he said. "Then they added more restraints — wrists, ankles, and a chain to the seat." Inside the prison, he was beaten, stripped, and forced to change into a white uniform. "They kept hitting us while yelling at us to hurry," he said. "We could hear others screaming." There were no mattresses, no showers without threat of beatings, and only a bucket for a toilet. "It was cold, and we were sore all over," he said. "You showered at 4 a.m. or got hit." Casique had entered the United States in December 2023, crossing at Piedras Negras and turning himself in to U.S. authorities. He was released days later, wearing an ankle monitor, and began working as a barber... Casique had entered the United States in December 2023, crossing at Piedras Negras and turning himself in to U.S. authorities. He was released days later, wearing an ankle monitor, and began working as a barber in Texas. More Courtesy of Mirelys Casique Similar accounts have emerged from multiple ex-detainees, including Rafael Martínez and José Mora, who told CNN they were shot with rubber bullets, denied medical care, and subjected to daily beatings while incarcerated inside CECOT. "It was a nightmare. I heard many brothers asking for help, shouting, 'Mom, help!'" Martínez told CNN. Casique said he and others launched a protest after witnessing a fellow inmate beaten while shackled. "Some of us cut our legs, others went on hunger strikes. We made signs using toothpaste that said 'We are not terrorists, we are migrants.'" But their protest was met with more violence. "They beat us more," he said. Julio González Jr., another deportee, told The Washington Post that guards fired rubber bullets at the men after a hunger strike. "They played with our minds," González said. "They tortured us mentally and physically." 'Staged' U.S. Visits Inside CECOT Casique confirmed what he called "a show" put on during visits by U.S. officials. "They gave us good food, cold juice, and staged religious services — all for photos," he said. "The Americans never spoke to us. We screamed for help, but they just took pictures and left." US Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem speaks during a tour of the Terrorist Confinement Center (CECOT) as prisoners stand, looking out from a cell, in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 26, 2025. US Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem speaks during a tour of the Terrorist Confinement Center (CECOT) as prisoners stand, looking out from a cell, in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 26, 2025. ALEX BRANDON/POOL/AFP via Getty Images Among those visitors was U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem and former Rep. Matt Gaetz, who toured CECOT with Rep. Anna Paulina Luna and a camera crew from the right-wing network One America News. Casique's mother recognized her son again in footage shared from that visit. "My soul hurts," she told Newsweek in May. "He's very thin. But that sign — asking for help — it's been hard to see. But also a relief. Because he's alive." Casique is now back in Venezuela following the prisoner exchange. He bears bruises, but no permanent injuries. Still, he wants justice. "We're discussing legal action," he said. "What they did to us was illegal — the abuse, the transfer, the psychological trauma. It can't go unpunished." Asked by Newsweek to respond to those allegations, the State Department said: "We would refer you to the Government of El Salvador." Full Interview with Francisco Javier Casique Q: Francisco, let's start from the beginning. How did this all begin? I was sleeping, getting rest for work, and the police came without warning. They knocked on the door, and when I saw it was them, I opened. They came in aggressively, knocked me down, started hitting me, and said I was under arrest. Q: When exactly was this? February 6. Q: So you were detained for about a month before being transferred in March? Yes, I was held through February and into mid-March. Q: What were the conditions like in detention? Could you communicate with your family? Yes, we had access to tablets to write to officers and talk to our families. I already had a deportation order, and since Venezuela was receiving deportees, I thought I'd be sent there. So I just waited. Q: They always told you Venezuela was the destination? Yes. I asked, and they confirmed I would be deported to Venezuela. That made me feel a little calmer. Q: What was the deportation day like? I was in a detention center in Laredo, Texas. The officers said, "You're going to Venezuela, don't worry." We were happy. They said the planes were ready. Q: When did you realize it was El Salvador instead? When the plane landed and we looked out the window — the airport sign said "El Salvador International." On the plane, they told us it was a "surprise." Some guards wouldn't say anything, some just said "don't worry," but we were confused and anxious. Q: Were you made to sign anything on the plane? Some people said they were handed documents, but we refused because we didn't understand what they were. One officer said, "If you don't sign, I'll sign it for you." Q: What happened when you got off the plane? It was terrible. As soon as we got off, they started beating us. I had shackles on and couldn't move. One guard grabbed me by the hair, slammed my head to the bus floor, and threw me into a seat. Then they put on more restraints — wrists, ankles, and a chain to the seat. Q: When were those shackles put on? The first set was put on when we left the U.S. detention center. After landing, they added more. Q: How did they change you into the white prison uniforms? We could hear others screaming. They shaved our heads, hit us, stripped us naked, and yelled at us to put on the uniforms quickly. All of this happened while they kept hitting us. Q: What were they hitting you with? Batons — especially on the head, since it was shaved. Q: Did they ever explain what was happening? No. They forced us into a module. I was so weak I couldn't walk or talk. One guard yelled at me to keep going. Eventually, the prison director told us we were in a "center for terrorists" and that we'd spend the rest of our lives there. He said we had no rights and that the only thing we'd have was what we were wearing. Q: What was your first night like? Everyone was crying. I didn't know what was going on. My body hurt, but I was numb. We lay on metal sheets and tried to sleep. Q: How were the living conditions in the cell? No mattresses for a long time. Just a water jug and a bucket. We had to shower early in the morning or get beaten. It was cold, and we were sore all over. Q: How did you use the bathroom? There were two sections in the same bucket — one for urinating and one for defecating. We got used to it. They used the same water to flush it. Q: What were you fed? Usually rice with beans or spaghetti and tortillas. To drink, just water. Q: Did they treat you differently when U.S. officials visited? Absolutely. They'd give us good food, cold juice, and clean everything just for show. It was fake. They did the same with religious services — they were staged for photos. Q: Did the U.S. officials ever speak to you? No. They came in with cameras, stood in the middle of the module, took photos, and left. We screamed for help, but they never responded. Q: When did you learn you were being sent back to Venezuela? One morning they woke us up and said to shower and get ready. That was it. A guard whispered that it would be our last meal. Q: What was it like leaving the prison? We were scared, not knowing where we were going. But then we saw Venezuelan officials at the airport, and that's when we finally cried and felt relieved. Q: Did you have lasting injuries? Just bruises that faded — purple legs, arms, and scratches on my back. Nothing permanent, thankfully. Q: Can you describe your tattoos? I have tattoos for my mom's birthdate, praying hands for my family, a dragon, compass, a Bible verse, and one I got with a girlfriend in the U.S. We both got matching designs. Q: Did you or others ever try to protest or resist the abuse? Yes. We were tired of the beatings. Some of us cut our legs, others went on hunger strikes. We made signs using toothpaste that said things like "We are not terrorists, we are migrants." We taped them to the walls so officials could see them. Q: Did that change anything? At first, no. They beat us more. But eventually, some guards started to speak to us, telling us to calm down and saying things might change. We were given mattresses and sheets for the first time. The abuse eased slightly. Q: Was there a specific incident that pushed you to protest? Yes. One day, they made a detainee kneel while shackled and beat him. That's when we erupted — throwing water, soap, anything we had. We couldn't take it anymore. Q: Did you hear the names of any guards? Yes. Two main ones — "Satan" and "Moto Moto." They gave all the orders. If you looked up or didn't kneel during inspections, they beat you. Q: Do you want to return to the U.S.? No. I'm with my family now. The U.S. offers better work, but life there isn't what people think. I was never hiding. I had a deportation order and just wanted to work and return home. Q: How did you enter the U.S.? I crossed through Piedras Negras on December 18, 2023. I turned myself in. But I lost the address I was supposed to go to and couldn't retrieve it without my phone, which they wouldn't let me use. They asked about tattoos, took photos, and released me days later. Q: Have you thought of taking legal action? That what happened to us was a crime. We were labeled as terrorists without evidence. We had no rights, no charges, no lawyers. People say we're lying or exaggerating — but we lived through hell. And I hope one day, those responsible face justice.
Forbes
3 days ago
- Forbes
These 4 Student Loan Provisions Of The ‘Big, Beautiful Bill' Take Effect Now
US President Donald Trump holds up his signed signature bill of tax breaks and spending cuts "Big ... More Beautiful Bill" on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, DC on July 4, 2025. The bill includes major changes to federal student loan programs, some of which will take effect immediately. (Photo by Alex Brandon / POOL / AFP) (Photo by ALEX BRANDON/POOL/AFP via Getty Images) POOL/AFP via Getty Images Several student loan provisions of the 'Big, Beautiful Bill' – the massive reconciliation legislation passed by Congress and signed by President Donald Trump earlier this month – will go into effect immediately or very soon, according to the Department of Education. The bill makes unprecedented changes to the federal student loan system by repealing several popular income-driven repayment plans, creating a new repayment option, and cutting or eliminating certain federal student loan programs. While many of these changes will be phased in gradually over the course of the next one to three years, some of the reforms legally take immediate effect. And the department is working on speedy implementation. 'On July 4, 2025, President Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (P.L. 119-21) (OBBB) into law,' said the department in a 'Dear Colleague' letter issued last Friday. 'The OBBB contains numerous provisions that amend the Higher Education Act of 1965 (HEA) and impact the administration of Title IV , HEA programs. Many of the changes under the OBBB will be implemented on July 1, 2026 and over the subsequent years. However, several changes made by the OBBB became effective upon enactment.' Here's a breakdown of the most immediate changes to federal student loan forgiveness and repayment programs. One of the immediate changes to student loan programs under the Big, Beautiful Bill is the removal of the Partial Financial Hardship requirement, or PFH, for the Income-Based Repayment plan. IBR is the only current income-driven repayment plan that is preserved under the bill; ICR, PAYE, and the SAVE plan will eventually be repealed. But IBR has an enrollment barrier in the form of the PFH rule, which essentially prevents borrowers from accessing IBR if their income is too high. More specifically, it blocks IBR enrollment for borrowers if their calculated IBR payment would be higher than what they would otherwise pay under a 10-year Standard repayment plan. The removal of the PFH rule for IBR is immediate. However, it will take the Department of Education and its contracted loan servicers at least some time to update its systems to reflect the removal of the PFH requirement. 'The OBBB eliminates the requirement that borrowers have a partial financial hardship to qualify for enrollment in an income-based repayment (IBR) plan authorized under section 493C of the HEA,' says the department in the Dear Colleague letter. 'This change is effective upon enactment and the Department is currently working with its student loan servicers to remove the partial financial hardship eligibility requirement from the IBR enrollment process.' New Student Loan Repayment Option For Parent PLUS Borrowers Another major change under the bill is that Parent PLUS borrowers who have already consolidated their loans by July 1, 2026 will be able to access the IBR plan. Under current law, Parent PLUS borrowers are ineligible for any income-driven repayment plan option unless they consolidate those loans into a Direct consolidation loan, at which point they would become eligible only for the ICR plan, which is more expensive than any other income-driven option. ICR will be phased out under the Big, Beautiful Bill, but these borrowers will be able to instead enroll in the IBR plan. Not only is IBR generally more affordable than ICR, but it also will allow Parent PLUS borrowers to be able to pursue eventual student loan forgiveness, including through Public Service Loan Forgiveness, or PSLF. The change is effective immediately, according to the department. 'The OBBB allows borrowers with a consolidation loan that repaid a Parent PLUS Loan to enroll in an IBR plan effective upon enactment,' says the Dear Colleague letter. 'The Secretary will provide additional information to its federal loan servicers and update the website when the system is available to enable such borrowers to enroll in IBR.' Importantly, Parent PLUS borrowers must consolidate their loans through the Direct loan program by July 1, 2026 in order to be able to access IBR. Otherwise, these borrowers will be completely cut off from any income-driven repayment option and associated student loan forgiveness pathways, including through PSLF. RAP Will Qualify For Student Loan Forgivenes Through PSLF While the ICR, PAYE, and SAVE plans will be repealed, the Big, Beautiful Bill creates a new income-driven repayment plan called the Repayment Assistance Plan, or RAP. RAP uses a different formula than the current income-driven options. For many borrowers, RAP will be more affordable than the older version of IBR for those who took out student loans prior to July 1, 2014, but much more expensive than the SAVE plan. RAP also stretches out the repayment term to 30 years before a borrower can qualify for student loan forgiveness, but the plan also includes a principal and interest subsidy for those whose payments aren't high enough to cover monthly interest accrual. RAP isn't yet available, but the department is expected to launch the new plan no later than July 1, 2026. And the department indicated that it is working to make RAP available much sooner than that. Once it is launched, RAP will be a qualifying repayment plan for borrowers pursuing student loan forgiveness through PSLF, effective immediately. 'The OBBB amends the Public Service Loan Forgiveness (PSLF) program to allow for payments made under the newly created Repayment Assistance Plan (RAP) to count toward loan forgiveness, if all other eligibility criteria are met,' says the Dear Colleague letter. 'The RAP was created by the OBBB and will be in effect no later than July 1, 2026. This PSLF provision is effective upon enactment, meaning that whenever the Department launches the RAP program, borrowers will be able to immediately get credit for PSLF under RAP.' Biden-Era Student Loan Forgiveness Rules Are Paused Immediately The Big, Beautiful Bill suspends Biden-era regulations governing two student loan forgiveness programs. The Borrower Defense to Repayment program allows borrowers to request a discharge of their federal student loans if their school engaged in certain kinds of misconduct, such as misrepresenting key statistics about admissions selectivity or employment prospects. The Closed School Discharge program allows borrowers to apply for relief if their school closed while they were enrolled, preventing them from completing their degree. The Biden administration enacted new regulations for both of these programs to make it easier for borrowers to qualify for loan forgiveness. But the Big, Beautiful Bill pauses these new regulations for 10 years. That doesn't mean that the programs themselves are fully repealed. But it leaves in place earlier versions of the regulations enacted under the first Trump administration that aren't nearly as favorable to borrowers. The Department of Education confirmed in its Dear Colleague letter that the pause takes immediate effect, which means the earlier Trump-era regulations governing these programs are now in place. 'The previous Trump Administration's Borrower Defense to Repayment regulations that were effective beginning July 1, 2020, will be effective as if the regulations were never amended during the Biden Administration for loans originated before July 1, 2035,' says the letter. 'This provision is effective upon enactment and the Department will publish a Federal Register notice shortly that restores the regulations that were in effect on July 1, 2020.' Additional Changes To Student Loan Programs Are Coming The Big, Beautiful Bill ensures that additional changes to federal student loan programs will occur over the course of the next several years, although those reforms are not immediate. Starting in July 2026, borrowers who take out new federal student loans or consolidate existing loans will lose access to the IBR plan, and their only repayment plan options will be RAP or a Standard plan (new Parent PLUS borrowers will only be able to access the Standard plan). And by July 1, 2028, the department will phase out the ICR, PAYE, and SAVE plans, and borrowers who want to remain on track for eventual student loan forgiveness under IDR or PSLF will need to switch to either the IBR plan or RAP. Many observers expect the department to phase out these plans (especially SAVE) well before 2028.
Yahoo
5 days ago
- Yahoo
Louisiana lawmakers decline to hold veto override session
Gov. Jeff Landry addresses the Louisiana Legislature on opening day of legislative session, Monday, April 14, 2025, at the Louisiana State Capitol in Baton Rouge. (Hilary Scheinuk/The Advocate-Pool) The Louisiana Legislature has declined to reconvene for a veto override session this year. The majority of lawmakers – 87 members of the House of Representatives and 29 in the Senate – voted not to hold a special session in which lawmakers try to overturn Gov. Jeff Landry's rejection of bills. In all, the governor vetoed 15 pieces of the legislation and removed portions of three budget proposals that legislators could have voted to reinstate. The legislation Landry rejected dealt with matters ranging from new registered dietician regulations to a prohibition on outdoor balloon releases. Veto override sessions are extremely rare in Louisiana. There have been just three in the past 50 years, and they all took place from 2021-23. At the time, state government was politically divided with Democrat John Bel Edwards as governor and Republicans controlling the two legislative chambers. Edwards and the GOP legislative leadership were at odds over topics such as transgender rights and political redistricting. Landry and legislative leaders are all Republicans, making it much less likely lawmakers would openly buck the governor to overturn one of his decisions. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX Solve the daily Crossword
