
Senate confirms former Trump attorney Emil Bove as U.S. appeals court judge
The upper chamber voted 50-49 to green-light Bove's nomination to the Philadelphia-based U.S. Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit, which oversees cases from Delaware, New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
"He has a strong legal background and has served his country honorably. I believe he will be diligent, capable and a fair jurist," Sen. Chuck Grassley, an Iowa Republican who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee, said of Bove on the Senate floor ahead of the vote.
Bove emerged as Mr. Trump's most controversial judicial pick so far, and former judges, prosecutors and other Justice Department employees had urged senators to reject his nomination. A Justice Department whistleblower alleged that Bove had suggested government lawyers should ignore court orders, prompting Democrats to unsuccessfully push for the Senate Judiciary Committee to delay a vote on his nomination. When the panel voted earlier this month to advance his nomination, all of the panel's Democrats walked out of the meeting in protest.
Two more whistleblowers have since turned over information about Bove to either the Justice Department's internal watchdog or lawmakers, according to the organization Whistleblower Aid, which represents one of the people, and the Washington Post, which reported on evidence given to Sen. Cory Booker, a New Jersey Democrat who sits on the Judiciary Committee.
Booker and Sen. Adam Schiff, a California Democrat, asked the Justice Department's acting inspector general on Monday whether he has launched any investigations related to Bove and said the allegations of misconduct are "troubling."
Bove was one of the lawyers who represented the president in his criminal cases and he joined the Justice Department as principal associate deputy attorney general when Mr. Trump returned to the White House for a second term. Bove also served briefly as acting deputy attorney general in the opening weeks of the second Trump administration until the Senate confirmed Todd Blanche, also a former defense lawyer for the president, to the No. 2 spot.
But former Justice Department prosecutors accused Bove of executing mass firings at the department of employees who were "perceived not to show sufficient loyalty" to Mr. Trump, including officials who worked on former special counsel Jack Smith's investigations into the president, which yielded two prosecutions that have since been dropped.
Bove was also at the center of a controversy involving the Justice Department's decision to drop its prosecution of New York City Mayor Eric Adams in exchange for cooperation with immigration enforcement. Several prosecutors who worked on Adams' case resigned after Bove directed them to dismiss the charges against the mayor and said the move appeared to be a quid pro quo.
But Bove brushed away the accusations, telling senators in a questionnaire to the Judiciary Committee that the decision to drop the five-count indictment against Adams was within the scope of prosecutorial discretion. He also said Adams' own submissions to the court refute the allegations of an "improper quid pro quo."
Bove also faced allegations of unethical conduct from a fired Justice Department lawyer, who filed a whistleblower report with lawmakers last month. The attorney, Erez Reuveni, claimed Bove suggested that the administration should ignore court orders regarding the administration's efforts to remove migrants under the wartime Alien Enemies Act.
Reuveni alleged that during a March meeting with senior department officials about removal flights, Bove suggested that the department would need to consider telling the courts to "f**k you" if a judge blocked deportations under the 1798 law.
Emails and text messages that Reuveni provided to senators include exchanges with a Justice Department colleague in which they appear to be referring to Bove's alleged directive regarding judicial orders.
A second Justice Department whistleblower submitted documents to the department's internal watchdog that supports Reuveni's claims, according to the organization Whistleblower Aid, which is representing the lawyer.
Reuveni worked at the Justice Department for nearly 15 years and had been promoted to acting deputy director of its Office of Immigration Litigation in March. But he was fired in April after telling a federal judge that Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran man who was deported to his home country in March, should not have been removed. An immigration official with the Trump administration had acknowledged in a March court filing that Abrego Garcia's removal was an "administrative error" and an "oversight."
Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee attempted to push the panel to delay the vote to advance Bove's nomination and allow Reuveni to testify, but Grassley rejected the move.
The White House and Justice Department have defended Bove and claimed that Reuveni was a "disgruntled former employee." Grassley lambasted Democrats for their handling of Bove's nomination and said they have tried to obstruct nearly all of Mr. Trump's nominees.
"The vicious rhetoric, unfair accusations and abuse directed at Mr. Bove by some on this committee, it has crossed the line," he said.
Blanche wrote in an op-ed for Fox News that Bove is "the most capable and principled lawyer I have ever known," and said his "legal acumen is extraordinary and his moral clarity is above reproach."
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CNN
a few seconds ago
- CNN
A California plan is likely the Democrats' best option in the redistricting wars
Congressional newsFacebookTweetLink Follow As Texas Republicans move ahead with redistricting to protect or even expand the GOP's slim majority in the US House, Democratic-run states, led by California, are pushing forward with their own efforts to draw new maps and add Democratic seats. No Democratic states can shift the balance of power as dramatically and quickly as Texas, where Republican lawmakers can enact new maps giving them as many as five more GOP-controlled seats as soon as they establish a quorum, which state Democrats have denied them by fleeing the state. In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom has urged lawmakers to draw a new map to put before voters in a November special election. The map could flip five of Republicans' nine seats in the state if voters approve it in a ballot initiative in November, sources told CNN. Newsom said the plan would go forward only if Texas completes its redistricting effort. 'Things have changed. We're reacting to that change,' the governor said at a news conference Monday. 'They've triggered this response, and we're not going to roll over.' Texas' mid-decade redistricting, undertaken at President Donald Trump's behest, has brought together a Democratic Party beset by infighting and facing historically low approval ratings. Even as party leaders vow to fight back against Texas and other Republican states discussing redrawing their maps, they are limited in how much they can retaliate. In several of the 15 states where Democrats hold the governorship and both chambers of the legislature, including New York, Washington and Colorado, maps are drawn by independent or bipartisan redistricting commissions, which are meant to thwart the sort of partisan gerrymandering Democrats are now seeking to advance. In other blue states — including Maryland and Illinois — Democrats have already drawn aggressively gerrymandered maps. Republicans have pointed to Illinois' map to argue they are within their rights to redraw lines in Texas. Meanwhile, Republicans, who have trifectas in 23 states, have more ground to gain in a redistricting tug-of-war. GOP lawmakers in states such as Missouri and Florida have also expressed openness to new maps. Ohio, where lawmakers must redraw their maps under state redistricting laws, could also yield additional seats. 'There's not a scenario where we don't have more seats that we can go flip than they do,' a Republican close to the GOP redistricting process told CNN. Those hurdles haven't stopped Democratic leaders from pushing ahead. 'I'll look at our laws, I'll find a path because we cannot take this lying down,' New York Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul said at a news conference Monday. 'We can't surrender when we have a fight for our lives.' Here's what Democratic leaders say they plan to do to respond to Texas' redistricting push: If voters approve Newsom's plan, California would retain its independent Citizens Redistricting Commission and new maps would stay in place only through 2030. Democrats hold 43 of the state's 52 congressional districts. A new map could endanger California Republicans such as Rep. Kevin Kiley, who said he would introduce legislation Tuesday prohibiting mid-cycle redistricting. 'Gavin Newsom is trying to subvert the will of voters and do lasting damage to democracy in California,' Kiley said in a press release, adding that his bill would 'stop a damaging redistricting war from breaking out across the country.' Other Republicans whose seats might be targeted include Reps. David Valadao, Darrell Issa, Doug LaMalfa and Ken Calvert, according to the sources. In New York, where legislative maps are drawn by an independent commission, Democratic leaders introduced a proposed constitutional amendment last week that would allow lawmakers to redraw the state's congressional map mid-decade if another state does so first. At best, New York Democrats wouldn't be able to change their maps until the 2028 election. The measure would need to pass in two consecutive legislative sessions and be approved by voters in 2027 before state lawmakers could redraw their congressional maps. Illinois' maps are drawn by the legislature and approved by the governor, which means Democrats in the state have a clear path to redraw their maps. Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker has expressed openness to redistricting, saying lawmakers must put 'everything on the table.' But the state's maps are already heavily tilted toward the party. Illinois' 2021 redistricting effort shifted additional seats to Democrats, who now hold 14 of the state's 17 congressional districts. Maryland House of Delegates Majority Leader David Moon has introduced legislation that would automatically redraw the state's map if another state redraws their own outside of the once-a-decade custom. But Maryland lawmakers face a similar dilemma as Illinois: While they don't face the same procedural hurdles as states like New York, they don't have much room to maneuver either. Democrats already control seven of the state's eight districts. It's also not clear a new map would be approved. A Maryland judge threw out a Democrat-backed congressional map drawn in 2021 that would have threatened the state's lone Republican lawmaker, Rep. Andy Harris. Harris won his 2024 reelection bid with nearly 60% of the vote. In New Jersey, where Democrats hold nine of 12 districts, they would need to change the state constitution to do off-cycle redistricting and disempower the state's bipartisan commission. In Colorado, the state legislature asked voters to approve the formation of an independent redistricting commission in 2018. The measure passed overwhelmingly. Additionally, the state Supreme Court ruled in 2003 that redistricting can happen only after the census. And in Washington state, it would take Republican votes to reconvene the state's bipartisan redistricting commission. It's unlikely Democrats in the state, who control eight of 10 districts, would be able to turn one more seat blue. 'There's literally no way to get the results they are talking about before the 2026 election,' Washington's state Senate majority leader, Jamie Pedersen, told the Washington Standard. 'We have already done our share to get Democrats in the House. There's no juice to squeeze in the lemon here.' CNN's Fredreka Schouten contributed to this report.


New York Times
a minute ago
- New York Times
Does Japan Want American Cars? Trump's Push to Open Foreign Markets Faces Test.
Last month's pledge by Japan to open its markets to more American cars allowed President Trump to declare victory in a goal he had chased for decades. For Mr. Trump, the ubiquity of Japanese car brands in the United States is aggravating, when Japan buys virtually no American cars. The disparity has long fed his conviction that the openness of the U.S. economy is not fairly reciprocated, contributing to a persistent trade deficit. Now, in his second term, Mr. Trump is raising tariffs steeply and pressuring other countries into dismantling barriers that range from taxes on American beef and soybeans to car-safety and local-content requirements in Japan and Indonesia. Some trade experts question this strategy's efficacy. They say that countries have in some cases agreed to address specific grievances of Mr. Trump's, like sales of cars in Japan, that are unlikely to result in a flood of new American exports. Automotive experts and industry veterans who have worked for U.S. carmakers in Japan said the pledge to remove trade barriers might do little to boost sales. But in the view of supporters of Mr. Trump's policies, dismantling foreign obstacles to American trade — a longtime goal shared by both Republican and Democratic administrations — is overdue for a more forceful approach. 'Big trade partners have long had rules and regulations in place that lock us out of the market,' said Wilbur Ross, the Secretary of Commerce during the first Trump administration. 'The president knows he can go a lot farther than we went last time to rectify those,' he said. Since World War II, American car companies have never managed to gain a significant foothold in Japan, which hasn't put tariffs on imported vehicles since the late 1970s. Ford Motor pulled out of Japan in 2016, citing no path to profitability. Last year, American brands like General Motors made up less than 1 percent of sales. Mr. Trump blames unfair regulations in Japan for making it 'impossible' for American companies to sell cars in the market. These include Japan's unwillingness to accept vehicles that pass U.S. safety standards, which are different than international ones. Mr. Trump sought to change this in his first term. Late last month, he succeeded. In exchange for a 15 percent across-the-board U.S. tariff on its goods — lower than the previously threatened 25 percent — Japan agreed to invest hundreds of billions of dollars in the United States. Mr. Trump was keen on another concession. 'Perhaps most importantly,' Mr. Trump wrote in a social media post, 'Japan will open their Country to Trade including Cars and Trucks.' That means Japan would allow the import of American-made cars without the unique safety standards and testing it usually requires, the country's chief trade negotiator said at a recent news conference. Mr. Trump made a similar declaration last week when announcing a trade deal with South Korea. He said that, in exchange for the same 15 percent tariff rate as Japan, South Korea would begin accepting more American cars and trucks into its market without imposing duties on them. In South Korea, similar to Japan, American brands make up a very small percentage of sales. In Japan's case, industry analysts say that safety and testing requirements can add up to tens of thousands of dollars to the cost of American cars imported into the country. However, some industry experts said they doubt that changes to the standards and testing requirements will boost sales. In Japan, where streets are narrow and often congested, most consumers prefer small, fuel-efficient vehicles, typically with steering wheels on the right. Domestic brands like Toyota, Honda and Nissan offer a wide array of such options. For American carmakers in Japan, 'trade barriers have never been the problem,' said Tsuyoshi Kimura, a professor at Chuo University in Tokyo, who used to work at General Motors from the late 1990s through the early 2000s. Japan is a relatively small and already saturated car market, he said, so most American automakers have not put effort into designing models for the country. The lineups of American manufacturers are packed with bulky sports-utility vehicles and trucks in part because they struggle to make smaller cars profitably. 'Thinking about the basic needs of the market, their cars just don't fit,' Mr. Kimura said. 'Even if it's been declared that Japan's opening its car market, it's unlikely that American cars will sell.' Mr. Trump's fixation on American car sales in Japan echoes his past trade negotiation tactics such as his emphasis on U.S. dairy exports during his first-term formulation of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, according to Alan Wolff, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. 'What could have been negotiated could have been far-reaching, and perhaps more important,' Mr. Wolff said. For example, addressing topics such exchange rates, he said. However, he added, securing agreements to open specific export sectors have 'political salience' for Mr. Trump. 'They matter to him, and therefore they matter to the United States,' he said. Mr. Ross, the former commerce secretary, agreed with this sentiment. He spent years as chairman of the Japan Society, a nonprofit dedicated to strengthening U.S.-Japan relations. He said he doubted that regulatory changes would sell customers on American cars. Still, for Mr. Ross, removing trade barriers in countries like Japan was a matter of principle. He likened the situation to a negotiation he had with a European Union official during Mr. Trump's first term about the trade bloc's ban on U.S. chicken sterilized with chlorinated wash. 'I asked, why do you have these trade barriers, and she said 'Oh, Europeans will never eat those foods,'' Mr. Ross recalled. 'I said, well, let's put them on grocery shelves and clearly mark them and if you're right, then Europeans won't eat them, we'll stop selling them, and we won't have to argue about it.' The current Trump administration has continued to pressure the European Union to buy American chickens. As part of its recent trade deal, the European Union agreed to work to address 'barriers affecting trade in food and agricultural products,' without detailing further. For others in Japan, these latest trade negotiations feel somewhat like a rerun of the 1980s and 1990s, when the United States and Japan seemed on the brink of a trade war, in part over the issue of American versus Japanese car sales. In 1995, Japan agreed to several measures, including encouraging greater dealership access for foreign cars. American sales in Japan ultimately didn't budge. But Japanese automakers at the time were investing heavily in producing vehicles in the United States and discussions about autos largely faded from U.S.-Japan trade talks. Around that time, Glen S. Fukushima, then an executive at AT&T and a vice president of the American Chamber of Commerce in Japan, was leaving a meeting with Walter Mondale, the U.S. Ambassador to Japan, when the diplomat noticed that Mr. Fukushima's company car in Tokyo was a Nissan. Given the recently concluded agreement aimed at securing more market access for American automakers in Japan, the ambassador suggested to Mr. Fukushima that his driver really should be driving an American car. Mr. Fukushima took the suggestion and tried out a Cadillac Fleetwood. However, it proved much too large for the turns near his Tokyo residence. He ultimately went back to his Nissan Cima and returned to Mr. Mondale to explain the situation. 'He was a reasonable man,' Mr. Fukushima said. 'He understood.' Hisako Ueno contributed reporting.

Business Insider
a minute ago
- Business Insider
Trump doubles down on his decision to fire BLS chief after disappointing jobs report
President Donald Trump isn't backing down from his controversial firing of the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics after a disappointing jobs report. "It is antiquated, but it is also very political," Trump said about the position Tuesday morning on CNBC's "Squawk Box." Co-host Joe Kernen tried to convince Trump that firing Dr. Erika McEntarfer after a disappointing jobs report could "undermine confidence" in future reports, given the context of McEntarfer's ouster. The monthly jobs report is considered one of the most important measures of the US economy. Trump was unconvinced. "So, look, it is a highly political situation. It is totally rigged. Smart people know it. People with common sense know it, and a lot of people like to keep their heads under the covers," Trump said. In explaining his decision to fire McEntarfer, who was originally appointed by President Joe Biden and received broad bipartisan support during her Senate confirmation, Trump has reupped his previous complaints about BLS data. The president has presented no evidence showing that the data was "rigged" against him. William Beach, a former Commissioner of Labor Statistics during Trump's first term, has been a vocal critic of Trump's decision. Beach, who now works as an economist, has said that commissioners have little actual sway over the jobs numbers, which are already finished before they reach their desks. "The totally groundless firing of Dr. Erika McEntarfer, my successor as Commissioner of Labor Statistics at BLS, sets a dangerous precedent and undermines the statistical mission of the Bureau," Beach wrote on X on Friday. Kevin Hassett, Trump's National Economic Council director, has defended Trump's move. Hassett said the BLS needed "a fresh set of eyes." "There have been a bunch of patterns that could make people wonder," Hassett said Sunday on "Meet the Press." And I think the most important thing for people to know is that it's the president's highest priority that the data be trusted and that people get to the bottom of why these revisions are so unreliable." Part of the reason that the BLS has issued significant revisions in recent years is that the response rates to its surveys continue to decline. Trump also discussed his plans to replace Fed Chairman Jerome Powell, whose term leading the central bank ends next year. Trump said that he is looking closely "both Kevins," a reference to former Fed Gov. Kevin Warsh and Hassett. "He's very good," Trump said of Warsh, when asked if he had watched Warsh's recent CNBC appearance. When pressed, Trump said he would choose between one of four people: "The two Kevins are doing well, and two other people are doing well." It's unclear who the other two people are. Trump did appear to rule out Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, whose name has been reported as a potential Powell replacement. "He does not want it," Trump said. "He likes being Treasury Secretary. He's doing a really great job."