
Public health's reckoning started with COVID. It was too late.
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Yet the field's illiberalism did not suddenly emerge during the COVID pandemic. A reckoning was long overdue: The pandemic merely revealed weaknesses in public health's approach to human beings living with disease. I experienced this firsthand.
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What it's like to get tuberculosis
Most of us won't interact directly with our public health department during our lifetime. Unless, that is, we contract what is considered a 'reportable disease,' which happens to a small fraction of the population each year (COVID was only reportable for a short time).
In 2020, I was one of those people — but I didn't have the novel coronavirus. I had somehow contracted the oldest-known and still deadliest infectious disease: tuberculosis.
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I went to the doctor after a couple of months of coughing, which progressed to intermittent fevers, night sweats, and extreme fatigue. The nurse practitioner first thought the coughing was my childhood asthma rearing its head. Then she thought maybe it was a mild case of pneumonia. A week of antibiotics cleared up the fever and night sweats, for a while at least. But the cough never went away.
Finally, as the pandemic lockdown descended around us in late March, I went to get an X-ray. In some ways, I'm in the pandemic's debt — I would have never bothered to get a cough checked out if COVID's respiratory nature hadn't put my husband on high alert. 'What if it's COVID?' he said, worried.
I got the call two days into what would become our months-long stay-at-home adventure. My X-ray showed granulomas in my lungs — little nests of calcified tissue protecting the billions of teeming
Mycobacterium tuberculosis
that had begun to eat away at my lungs.
Here's what happens when the health care system suspects a reportable disease: First, your medical provider hands your case over to the local public health department. The health department becomes responsible for coordinating all aspects of your diagnosis and treatment, as well as carrying out contact tracing — tracking down and notifying anyone you might have infected.
In my case, which happened in New York State, they also put me under state-ordered quarantine. I was not allowed to leave my house. This and contact tracing are tools that are now familiar to most Americans, as many public health departments
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The State of New York became responsible for my care from that point on. The day after the X-ray news, I got a call from the tuberculosis control nurse at my local health department — I'll call her Joan. She would become my caseworker through the duration of my treatment, although I eventually came to think of her as my warden.
Under New York state law, a person diagnosed with tuberculosis is mandated to complete a full course of antibiotics — often under the daily supervision of a trained health care professional. That means a state public health official has to watch you take your pills every day. In my case, that was six months of antibiotics: eight pills daily for the first two months and then three pills every day for the rest of the time. If a patient refuses to comply, the health department can order them to remain under quarantine for an indefinite period or in extreme cases have them committed to a state-run facility.
I was initially grateful for Joan. For the first few days the pills made me debilitatingly nauseous. After my first night of vomiting, Joan got me a prescription for an antiemetic and dropped it off at my house.
In order to contain the public health threat tuberculosis poses, the government takes care of coordinating all aspects of treatment — down to billing insurance. If you don't have insurance, the state often pays for testing and treatment directly. I had unwittingly walked into an American's vision of a Scandinavian health care utopia.
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I didn't have to call the doctor, make an appointment, go in for an exam, get the prescription, fight with the pharmacy over whether my insurance was up-to-date — instead, the medication just showed up at my door. And it was all free.
As the days passed, I slowly felt better. My state-ordered quarantine was lifted (not that it mattered, since we were on COVID lockdown) as I became noninfectious, and I started to go outside for long walks in the woods behind my house. My visits with Joan had turned into video calls as lockdown continued. (In nonpandemic times, the state would have required Joan to meet with me in person to supervise my daily dose of antibiotics.)
As I got the hang of my treatment, the daily video calls with Joan started to feel unnecessary. I asked her if I could move to checking in weekly or monthly — I was already required to meet monthly with an infectious disease doctor and have monthly blood work to make sure the antibiotics weren't frying my liver (a fairly serious potential side effect of long-term high-dose antibiotic use).
But Joan's answer was an unequivocal no.
Some form of daily observed therapy is the recommended standard of care for tuberculosis in every state, and Joan sent me a PowerPoint presentation explaining why having daily supervision from a nurse was necessary to make sure patients don't slack on their treatment.
I pushed harder. I would take the drugs, as prescribed, no skipping doses. I had already seen what tuberculosis can do to people. I worked in a network of health clinics in Delhi, India, right after college, and the images of people unable to get out of bed, their emaciated bodies racked with fevers and coughs, have stayed with me. I was well aware of the risks and complications that came with not finishing treatment or skipping doses: drug-resistant tuberculosis — a scary diagnosis with no guaranteed cure.
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And I had the state's
Joan was unpersuaded. 'The TB control office told us to take you to court if you don't comply,' she told me during a video call.
Well, that seemed a little heavy-handed.
To some extent, I understood Joan's perspective. Her job was to make sure I didn't infect anyone else with tuberculosis. Full stop. If I skipped doses, I put not only myself but potentially others at risk.
But a question weighed on me, fueling the anger I felt at being treated like a child: How big a risk was that really? Did that risk justify keeping me under Joan's thumb and even taking me to court if I resisted? Wasn't there a better use of Joan's time than chasing after me?
Paternalism and public health
There are deep contradictions between public health and an individual's rights to consent, privacy, and dignity. Most Americans didn't have to grapple with these trade-offs until COVID forced the issue. But COVID was far from the first time the public health system has been tested — and has failed — to weigh the trade-offs it asks of people who contract infectious diseases.
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Often, the trade-offs are framed as insignificant — small steps we are told we should be happy to take to protect our neighbors. Wearing a mask is easy — those who refuse are selfish. Staying at home isn't such a big ask — how important is it really to go out to a restaurant or a friend's party? In my case: It shouldn't be a big deal to have someone watch me take pills every day. What's the harm?
There is logic to this. But it ignores much bigger realities. Why should we be compelled to take steps that haven't been shown to work? Daily observed therapy can be more or less coercive than what I experienced and has come under fire as being unnecessarily restrictive, resource-intensive, and ineffective. A 2015 Cochrane
So why was I, a fully capable adult, under state supervision and threatened with legal action when I had done nothing wrong? Getting sick is not a crime. Yet public health officials sometimes treat illness as though it is.
This is not a new phenomenon. Some of the earliest American public health pioneers were deeply moralistic about the nature of illness. In the mid-19th century, health-minded urban reformers were taking aim at the lack of sanitation in European and American cities as a contributor to poor health. Here in Massachusetts, a statistician named Lemuel Shattuck produced a Report of the Massachusetts Sanitary Commission in which
As cities — including Boston — grew, Shattuck and his peers became concerned that the poor could infect the wealthy, necessitating the state to intervene. He recommended the state establish health boards to enforce sanitary regulations and to study specific diseases that disproportionately afflicted the poor, like alcoholism and tuberculosis (which killed 300 per 100,000 Massachusetts residents in 1850 — today, tuberculosis kills 0.2 per 100,000 nationwide). But the key point is that he did not trust the masses. He wanted state regulations in place not only to protect the common good but to police the least virtuous and keep them from infecting the rest.
This sort of attitude has been pervasive throughout public health history. Gay men were stigmatized and imprisoned all over the world during the early years of the AIDS crisis: Cuba quarantined people living with HIV, many of whom were gay, in medical facilities from 1986 until 1994. In the United States, public health campaigners targeted gay men and told them to simply stop having sex. Alcoholism and substance use disorders are still treated as crimes in most parts of the world. Compulsory drug treatment
Public health's excesses are the downside of something positive: There is little doubt that public health workers are motivated by a desire to protect people's health and lives. But too often, public health has failed to trust those people or respect their rights to question, debate, or even refuse.
Some of that is due to an excessively narrow measure of success, as political scientists Frances Lee and Stephen Macedo write in the
In July 2023, the former National Institutes of Health director Francis Collins
As the long-time global health reporter Donald J. McNeil writes in his recent book 'Wisdom of Plagues
,
'
'I think it's imperative to save lives. To the exclusion of every other goal.'
In some ways, a field that closely resembles public health is the military — where we expect collateral damage in order to achieve victory. But that mind-set is a problem. It has eroded trust between public health and the people it purports to serve. Very few people outside the field are willing to suffer collateral damage to their lives and livelihoods for tenuous reasons.
Taking public health back
As the COVID pandemic unfolded, I saw my small example, my dynamic with Joan and New York state's health department, playing out on a larger scale all around me. Americans across the country tried to make sense of what public health officials were telling them, often with increasing confusion and resentment.
Much of the populist backlash against public health can be attributed to disinformation campaigns and conspiracy theories — but not all of it. Some in the public health field have acknowledged, and are bravely grappling with, the fact that public anger over the pandemic response is justified. No one wants or deserves to be treated as though they are the unwashed masses, to hark back to Shattuck's attitude.
So why has it taken me five years to write this essay? Because I have always been uninterested in piling on an already beleaguered sector — especially now, as the federal government
But I write this now because we will experience another pandemic, and we are in danger of failing worse than we did last time. It is critical we understand all contributing factors to that failure and attempt to root out the paternalism that proved to be a part of public health's fall from grace.
Now the challenge is not to simply regain public trust. It is to retake the field from the forces like Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and his allies who threaten to destroy it from within. To do so, public health leaders will have to demonstrate their fidelity not only to saving lives but to the dignity and messy complexity of those lives.
Christine Mehta can be reached at

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The Hill
3 hours ago
- The Hill
RFK Jr. sued over vaccine changes
The Big Story Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. violated the law when he withdrew certain recommendations about the coronavirus vaccine, according to a new lawsuit from a coalition of medical organizations. © AP The lawsuit, filed in federal district court in Massachusetts, seeks to overturn Kennedy's decision to remove healthy children and pregnant women from the list of recommended individuals to receive COVID-19 vaccines. The organizations alleged the removal is part of Kennedy's demonstrated 'pattern of hostility toward established scientific processes.' They argued his moves made it difficult for some pregnant women to get vaccinated to protect themselves and their future children. Plaintiffs include the American Academy of Pediatrics, American College of Physicians, American Public Health Association, Infectious Diseases Society of America, Massachusetts Public Health Association, Massachusetts Public Health Alliance and the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine. After Kennedy's announcement, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) moved from recommending the vaccine to healthy children to encouraging parents to consult their doctors. It also no longer recommended pregnant women get the shot. The suit asks that Kennedy's directive be declared unlawful, COVID-19 vaccine recommendations for pregnant women be restored and for Kennedy to announce the reinstated guidance on the social media platform X. 'This administration is an existential threat to vaccination in America, and those in charge are only just getting started. If left unchecked, Secretary Kennedy will accomplish his goal of ridding the United States of vaccines, which would unleash a wave of preventable harm on our nation's children,' said Richard Hughes IV, partner at Epstein Becker Green and lead counsel for plaintiffs. An unnamed female physician in Massachusetts who is currently pregnant and is seeking a COVID-19 vaccine on the guidance of her doctors, referred to as 'Jane Doe' in the suit, is also suing over the directive. The coronavirus has killed more than 1 million people in the past five years, and annual shots have served as a dose of protection. Yet fewer and fewer people have been getting them, and top administration officials argue there's no benefit — and even potential harm to individuals. The previous recommendation from the CDC was for everyone at least 6 months old, including pregnant women, to get COVID vaccines annually. 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The Hill
4 hours ago
- The Hill
Medical organizations sue RFK Jr., HHS over vaccine policies
A group of medical organizations is suing Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and other health leaders in the Trump administration over the decision to stop recommending COVID-19 vaccines to healthy children and pregnant women. The lawsuit was filed in Massachusetts and alleges the removal of healthy children and pregnant women from the recommendation to receive COVID-19 vaccines is part of Kennedy's demonstrated 'pattern of hostility toward established scientific processes.' Kennedy announced in May that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) would no longer be recommending COVID-19 vaccines for healthy children and pregnant women. The agency later updated its guidance to say that healthy children 'may receive' the vaccine, while providing 'no guidance' for pregnant women. Plaintiffs include the American Academy of Pediatrics, American College of Physicians, American Public Health Association, Infectious Diseases Society of America, Massachusetts Public Health Association, Massachusetts Public Health Alliance and the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine. An unnamed female physician in Massachusetts who is currently pregnant and is seeking a COVID-19 vaccine on the guidance of her doctors, referred to as 'Jane Doe' in the suit, is also suing over the directive. Along with Kennedy, the lawsuit is also suing Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Marty Makary, National Institutes of Health Director Jay Bhattacharya and acting CDC Director Matthew Buzzelli. The plaintiffs allege that Kennedy's directive to remove children and pregnant women from the COVID-19 vaccine schedule violated the Administrative Procedure Act. They argued his decision was rife with 'arbitrariness and capriciousness,' pointing to his admission that his opinions on vaccines are 'irrelevant' and his belief that people should not be 'taking medical advice' from him. They pointed to Kennedy's firing and remaking of the CDC's Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices as evidence of his agenda to undermine trust in vaccines. 'This administration is an existential threat to vaccination in America, and those in charge are only just getting started. If left unchecked, Secretary Kennedy will accomplish his goal of ridding the United States of vaccines, which would unleash a wave of preventable harm on our nation's children,' said Richard Hughes, partner at Epstein Becker Green and lead counsel for plaintiffs. 'I will say this is unprecedented. Our clients are not litigious organizations. They don't want to be in court, and certainly we do not like that we're in the position of having to sue the Secretary of Health and Human Services, our nation's chief health officer,' Hughes said. 'So this is a position that I don't think they want to be in, but it's necessary.' The suit asks that Kennedy's directive be declared unlawful, that COVID-19 vaccine recommendations for pregnant women be restored, and that Kennedy announce the reinstated guidance on the social media platform X. They also ask that the defendants be blocked from enforcing, publicizing or encouraging Kennedy's directive. Georges Benjamin, president of the APHA, said the goal of this lawsuit is to 'establish a rational scientific process to get into decision making, to recognizing that the system has worked for many, many, many years in an effective manner. And if you use the evidence and get the guidance of these experts, you'll get a good outcome.' When reached for comment, an HHS spokesperson said, 'The Secretary stands by his CDC reforms.'


Hamilton Spectator
4 hours ago
- Hamilton Spectator
RFK Jr. promoted a food company he says will make Americans healthy. Their meals are ultraprocessed
WASHINGTON (AP) — Health secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. on Monday praised a company that makes $7-a-pop meals that are delivered directly to the homes of Medicaid and Medicare enrollees. He even thanked Mom's Meals for sending taxpayer-funded meals 'without additives' to the homes of sick or elderly Americans. The spreads include chicken bacon ranch pasta for dinner and French toast sticks with fruit or ham patties. 'This is really one of the solutions for making our country healthy again,' Kennedy said in the video, posted to his official health secretary account, after he toured the company's Oklahoma facility last week. But an Associated Press review of Mom's Meals menu, including the ingredients and nutrition labels, shows that the company's offerings are the type of heat-and-eat, ultraprocessed foods that Kennedy routinely criticizes for making people sick. The meals contain chemical additives that would render them impossible to recreate at home in your kitchen, said Marion Nestle, a nutritionist at New York University and food policy expert, who reviewed the menu for The AP. Many menu items are high in sodium, and some are high in sugar or saturated fats, she said. 'It is perfectly possible to make meals like this with real foods and no ultra-processing additives but every one of the meals I looked at is loaded with such additives,' Nestle said. 'What's so sad is that they don't have to be this way. Other companies are able to produce much better products, but of course they cost more.' Mom's Meals do not have the artificial, petroleum dyes that Kennedy has pressured companies to remove from products, she noted. Mom's Meals said in an emailed response that its food products 'do not include ingredients that are commonly found in ultra-processed foods.' The company does not use synthetic food dyes, high fructose corn syrup, certain sweeteners or synthetic preservatives that are banned in Europe, said Teresa Roof, a company spokeswoman. The meals are a 'healthy alternative' to what many people would find in their grocery stores, said Andrew Nixon, U.S. Health and Human Services spokesman, in response to questions about Mom's Meals. Mom's Meals is one of several companies across the U.S. that deliver 'medically tailored' at-home meals. The meal programs are covered by Medicaid for some enrollees, including people who are sick with cancer or diabetes, as well as some older Americans who are enrolled in certain Medicare health insurance plans. Patients recently discharged from the hospital can also have the meals delivered, according to the company's website. It's unclear how much federal taxpayers spend on providing meals through Medicaid and Medicare every year. An investigation by STAT news last year found that some states were spending millions of dollars to provide medically tailored meals to Medicaid enrollees that were marketed as healthy and 'dietician approved.' But many companies served up meals loaded with salt, fat or sugar — all staples of an unhealthy American's diet, the report concluded. Defining ultraprocessed foods can be tricky. Most U.S. foods are processed, whether it's by freezing, grinding, fermentation, pasteurization or other means. Foods created through industrial processes and with ingredients such as additives, colors and preservatives that you couldn't duplicate in a home kitchen are considered the most processed. Kennedy has said healthier U.S. diets are key to his vision to 'Make America Healthy Again.' His call for Americans to increase whole foods in their diets has helped Kennedy build his unique coalition of Trump loyalists and suburban moms who have branded themselves as 'MAHA.' In a recent social media post where he criticized the vast amount of ultraprocessed foods in American diets, Kennedy urged Americans to make healthier choices. 'This country has lost the most basic of all freedoms — the freedom that comes from being healthy,' Kennedy said. — Aleccia reported from Temecula, Calif.