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Supreme Court rightly allows states to hit brakes on gender meddling for kids

Supreme Court rightly allows states to hit brakes on gender meddling for kids

USA Today18-06-2025
Supreme Court rightly allows states to hit brakes on gender meddling for kids | Opinion States are in the best position to grapple with these complicated issues and to reflect the values of those who live within their borders.
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US upholds ban on hormone blockers for transgender minors
The Supreme Court upheld Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care for minors, marking a significant blow to transgender rights in the United States.
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The Supreme Court upheld Tennessee's law restricting gender-affirming care for minors, leaving the decision to states.
The court ruled that the law doesn't violate the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause.
The decision allows states to regulate gender-affirming treatments for minors, reflecting the values of their residents.
The long-term effects of these treatments are still unknown, prompting caution from some health organizations.
While liberals in the news media are painting the U.S. Supreme Court's June 18 decision on transgender health care as a 'blow to transgender rights,' that's a simplistic view that overlooks what the court was asked to do.
The 6-3 ruling in United States v. Skrmetti – split along ideological lines, with conservatives in the majority − upholds Tennessee's law restricting so-called 'gender-affirming' care for youth experiencing gender dysphoria.
In recent years, 27 states have passed laws or policies banning those procedures for minors, so the consequences of the court's decision will be felt nationwide.
The question before the court was whether Tennessee's law violates the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause by prohibiting cross-sex hormones and puberty blockers for minors. The Biden administration and the plaintiffs challenging the law claimed it was unconstitutional since a biological male teenager could be given testosterone to treat delayed puberty, while a biological female teenager would be denied the same hormone to treat gender dysphoria.
The court's majority didn't buy that argument, and Chief Justice John Roberts clearly laid out the court's rationale.
'This case carries with it the weight of fierce scientific and policy debates about the safety, efficacy, and propriety of medical treatments in an evolving field,' Roberts wrote in the majority opinion. 'The voices in these debates raise sincere concerns; the implications for all are profound. The Equal Protection Clause does not resolve these disagreements. Nor does it afford us license to decide them as we see best.'
Opinion: Supreme Court hears arguments in trans case. They should uphold Tennessee law.
Rather, in concluding the law doesn't violate the 14th Amendment, Roberts wrote 'we leave questions regarding its policy to the people, their elected representatives, and the democratic process.'
Supreme Court upholds Tennessee law. As with abortion, let states decide.
That's the right approach for now.
States are in the best position to grapple with these complicated issues and to reflect the values of those who live within their borders. That's been the case with abortion after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022.
Opinion: Democrats scream democracy is in peril ... while proving that it's absolutely fine
Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti called the new ruling a win, saying the 'common sense of Tennessee voters prevailed over judicial activism.'
'A bipartisan supermajority of Tennessee's elected representatives carefully considered the evidence and voted to protect kids from irreversible decisions they cannot yet fully understand,' Skrmetti said in a statement.
It's important to note the Supreme Court didn't do anything to prevent states from offering hormones and puberty blockers to gender-confused youth. Rather, it gave states the green light to regulate those treatments.
More research is needed on long-term effects of 'gender-affirming care'
As Roberts wrote, the implications for all involved in these cases are profound. Parents of teens experiencing gender dysphoria obviously want to do what's best for their children. Yet, the long-term consequences of these life-altering treatments are unknown.
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A 2024 review from England's well-regarded National Health Service advised 'extreme caution' in the use of such drugs for minors, and the country will offer puberty-blocking drugs only for those in clinical trials.
Other European countries are backing off the use of these procedures, too.
Many federal and state laws are designed to protect youth, from the required use of car seats to the age when they may legally drive or buy alcohol.
Surely, states should also have the right to protect children from experimental procedures that could irrevocably change the rest of their lives.
And now they do.
Ingrid Jacques is a columnist at USA TODAY. Contact her at ijacques@usatoday.com or on X, formerly Twitter: @Ingrid_Jacques
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Jim Beam column:Checks, balances don't exist
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Jim Beam column:Checks, balances don't exist

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Trump's 'Big, Beautiful Bill' Sparks Gun Group Lawsuit Within Hours
Trump's 'Big, Beautiful Bill' Sparks Gun Group Lawsuit Within Hours

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We have filed the case that could overturn Wickard and limit Commerce Clause powers
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Roscoe Filburn owned a wheat farm in rural Montgomery County, Ohio. When he used his own farm to feed his own family, he fell under the hammer of the federal government. It was 1938, and America was in the throes of the Great Depression and the Dust Bowl. Agricultural commodity prices—and specifically, wheat prices—fluctuated wildly, costing farmers their fortunes, farms, and families. In an effort to stabilize wheat prices, the federal government intervened and artificially capped the amount of wheat each farmer could grow. It sought to shrink the wheat supply while demand remained the same, and thereby increase the wheat price. Under this federal policy, the government eventually fined Filburn. Justifiably skeptical that this was within the federal power, Filburn challenged the fine in court. The case was Wickard v. Filburn — one that lives in infamy and whose effects are felt strongly to this day. Unlike the state governments, the federal government is one of limited and enumerated power: It possesses only the powers specifically granted in the Constitution, and no others. As such, it based its wheat scheme on Congress's power 'to regulate Commerce … among the several States.' Widely known as the 'Interstate Commerce Clause,' as its text indicates, this federal power is restricted to commerce that takes place between states. Wheat and similar commodities are often bought, shipped, and sold across state lines, and their availability within one state can affect markets in others. On its face, then, intervention into the wheat market could seem a reasonable expression of the power to regulate interstate commerce. But the federal government went much further than that. Filburn's case began in 1940, when the federal government had imposed a wheat cap for Filburn's farm. 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Even if the property is next-door and is transferred for free, according to FinCEN, the agency can reach it under the Commerce Clause. Our Constitution is clear in restricting federal power. Whether Congress legislates or an executive agency regulates, no part of the federal government may expand beyond the powers set forth in the Constitution. For more than 80 years, those restrictions have been ignored as the federal commerce power has been pushed beyond the bounds of reason. But the Center for the American Future, through carefully crafted legal arguments, hopes to restore the Constitution's careful balance of power. Clayton Calvin is an attorney with the Texas Public Policy Foundation's litigation arm, the Center for the American Future. Matt Miller is a senior attorney in the Center for the American Future.

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