Councillors express dismay over delay in completion of UGD works in Tirunelveli
DMK councillor (ward 51) D. Sahaya Juliet Mary said the UGD work was moving at a snail's place and, hence, the roads damaged due to the work could not be relaid. 'The Corporation officials should frequently inspect the ongoing UGD works in all wards to ascertain their progress and the sufferings of the residents. We need to complete the work at the earliest so that the roads damaged in the execution of the project can be relaid.'
Superintending Engineer Kannan said the UGD scheme had to be implemented for about 84 km in the third phase and, hence, was taking much time.
Councillor (ward 24) A. Ravindar and S. Petchiammal (ward 35), both from the DMK, also criticised the Corporation administration and the contract firm implementing the work for the delay.
Ms. Sahaya Juliet also wanted the officials to give drinking water connection to all houses in peripheral areas under the Ariyanayagipuram Drinking Water Scheme.
'We have planned to give drinking water connection to 33,330 houses under the scheme and so far covered 24,500 houses. Hence, all the houses will get drinking water connection,' Mr. Kannan said.
When AIADMK councillor (ward 31) S. Amutha urged the Corporation to start relaying of roads damaged during the UGD works and execute the work at the earliest with superior quality, Mayor G. Ramakrishnan, who intervened during his speech, said there was no misappropriation of Corporation funds in executing the works.
When Mr. Ramakrishnan said it was their leader (late Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa) who was convicted in a corruption case, Ms. Amutha opposed it vehemently. When another AIADMK councillor (ward 28), M. Chandrasekar also joined Ms. Amutha, the meeting witnessed noisy scenes with DMK councillors S. Ulaganathan (ward 27), A. Ravindar (ward 24) and A. Shaikh Manzoor (ward 20) shouting that her leader was a convict in a corruption case.
With pandemonium continuing for a few minutes, Ms. Amutha and Mr. Chandrasekar staged a walkout.
When the councillors alleged that the contractors implementing various works in the urban civic body were showed total disregard for their works and implementing them slowly, Commissioner Monika Rana, who was participating in her maiden council meeting after assuming office here on June 25, said she would soon convene a meeting with the contractors to explain the projects they were executing, the start of the works and the progress made so far. 'We will take necessary action to expedite the work for ensuring early completion.'
When Chairman of Palayamkottai Zone M. Francis urged the officials to start work on Murappanadu Drinking Water Project at the earliest for improving drinking water supply to the residents in peripheral areas, the SE replied that the administrative sanction for the scheme would be obtained within 10 days.
CPI (M) councillor (ward 55) R. Muthu Subramanian pointed to the erratic drinking water supply in his ward caused by the broken-down motor in Suththamalli pumping station and urged the Corporation to keep a spare motor for ensuring unhindered drinking water supply, which was accepted by the Mayor.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


NDTV
an hour ago
- NDTV
EPS To Kick Off 2026 Poll Campaign Today, Hopes To Revive AIADMK's Fortunes
Ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) General Secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) would launch his statewide campaign this evening from Mettupalayam in Coimbatore district - a traditional AIADMK stronghold in the western region of the state. The campaign is expected to cover all 234 constituencies, with the tagline "Protecting People and Redeeming Tamil Nadu." EPS, who will address a public rally this evening, is expected to highlight what he calls the "failures and unfulfilled promises" of the ruling DMK government. His campaign will also focus on local issues in each constituency, in addition to statewide concerns such as law and order, women's safety, and the growing drug menace. This campaign is widely seen as a make-or-break moment for the AIADMK, which has suffered three successive election defeats since the death of its charismatic leader J Jayalalithaa in 2016. The party's decline began under the dual leadership of EPS and O Panneerselvam (OPS) and has continued even after EPS emerged as the sole leader. After walking out of its alliance with the BJP before the 2024 Lok Sabha polls - where both parties had a bad luck as the DMK-led alliance swept the state - the AIADMK has cautiously revived its ties with the saffron party. However, the alliance appears fragile, with little ground-level synergy and scepticism among cadres. One of the key challenges for EPS is the lack of strong allies, aside from the BJP, which itself holds minimal sway in Tamil Nadu. The entry of actor Vijay's Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) has further complicated the political arithmetic. Vijay has categorically ruled out any alliance with the BJP directly or indirectly, keeping the AIADMK at arm's length. Vijay's recent announcement as TVK's Chief Ministerial candidate and his plans to tour the state from September to December, along with a parallel membership drive, signal his intent to become a serious contender. Drawing comparisons with legends like CN Annadurai and MG Ramachandran, Vijay aims to replicate their trajectory from cinema to the Chief Minister's chair. As speculation brews over potential political realignments, a few key questions remain unanswered: Will AIADMK eventually sever ties with BJP to woo Vijay's TVK? Will Vijay consider an alliance as a dominant player, or is he eyeing a solo march to Fort St George? On the other hand, the ruling DMK's alliance remains intact and formidable. Having won three consecutive elections, the party is banking on its welfare programmes such as monthly Rs 1000 assistance for women, free bus rides for women, free breakfast for school children, and youth skill development schemes to retain its base. The DMK has also launched a door-to-door membership campaign aiming to enroll 30 per cent of the state's voters as party members. With elections still nine months away, the political landscape in Tamil Nadu is heating up. What once looked like a bipolar contest is now shaping into a four-cornered battle - between the DMK-led front, AIADMK-BJP alliance, TVK, and Director Seeman's NTK.


The Print
3 hours ago
- The Print
Operation Sindoor showed us MPs can do what foreign ministries can't
In Track 1½, every word still matters. A heartfelt story from one's constituency or personal experience can break the diplomatic freeze. That blend of authority and flexibility makes parliamentary diplomacy surprisingly effective in global problem-solving, from ending wars to writing rules for artificial intelligence. Parliamentary diplomacy is a fancy term for something very simple: elected representatives talking to one another across borders to ease tensions, exchange ideas, and build trust when formal diplomats hit roadblocks. Because MPs are answerable to voters, the tone is often more down-to-earth than the stiff notes exchanged by foreign ministries. Scholars call this Track 1½ diplomacy, a lane that sits halfway between official talks, known as Track 1, and the informal chats of academics or NGOs, called Track 2. Also Read: Modi vs Indira is a needless debate. Operation Sindoor has defined PM Modi's legacy Operation Sindoor as a turning point When India struck terrorist camps across the Line of Control after the brutal and barbaric Pahalgam attack as part of Operation Sindoor, the Modi-led government began sending multi-party teams of MPs to foreign capitals, instead of letting only seasoned envoys carry India's message. The logic was very clear—when lawmakers from both treasury and opposition benches speak in a common voice, partners abroad see it as a national stand, not a partisan talking point. Seven different delegations, adding up to 59 MPs from the BJP, Congress, DMK, and others, were sent to 33 countries. They sat with foreign legislators, think-tank experts, editors, and Indian communities overseas. They explained why India had no choice but to act, how the strikes were measured and lawful, and why Pakistan must stop giving safe havens to militants. Those conversations mattered. Reports from Washington, Europe, and the Gulf all said one thing: India's story sounded more convincing when told by lawmakers from various shades of political affiliation, who do not hesitate to bicker, often acrimoniously, at home. Even more important, the delegations reminded Indians back home that on national security, the House could still speak in one voice. The ripple effect at home was institutional. Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, noting that several host countries had requested permanent channels, recently pushed to revive formal friendship groups with foreign parliaments—a practice that had gone cold for years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi backed the plan, showing that the executive wants Parliament in the foreign-policy cockpit, not just cheering from the back. Operation Sindoor was not a one-off. Back in 2012, an all-party group led by then Leader of Opposition, the late Sushma Swaraj ji, flew to Sri Lanka to press Colombo on Tamil rights. Their common stand eased worries in Tamil Nadu and nudged the Sri Lankan president toward some devolution steps. In 1994, then Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao sent a delegation led by Leader of Opposition Atal Bihari Vajpayee ji to the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in Geneva to counter Pakistan. Such stories match global patterns. During the late Cold War, US and Soviet lawmakers linked by satellite for the 'Congressbridge' dialogues. The public could watch rivals trade barbs one moment and laugh the next, humanising each side long before formal arms deals were signed. Similar logic now guides the NATO Parliamentary Assembly's outreach to Ukraine or ASEAN's efforts to coax Myanmar back to democracy. The need to scale up Still, parliamentary diplomacy has its flaws. MPs juggle tight calendars, sparse research support, and election cycles that reset relationships every few years. Friendship groups risk becoming junkets if they lack clear goals, and bills can stall in committees. The remedy is to institutionalise the craft: brief lawmakers before trips, give them professional staff, and store every visit's minutes in a shared digital vault so successors start from version 2.0, not blank pages. The Speaker's new plan for friendship groups should include a modest budget for such continuity tools. Why does this matter for the average citizen? Because wars and AI glitches both end up hitting pocketbooks and personal freedoms. If a ceasefire fails, fuel prices soar. If a malicious bot floods social media with a virus, investors panic. MPs are closest to these everyday problems. When they step onto the international stage, they carry the hopes and fears of real people, not just bullet points from foreign-office cable grams. That human link can soften hard positions, keep talks alive during crises, and spot solutions diplomats might miss. Imagine an Indian MP in Berlin explaining how a farmer in Kalahandi uses UPI and crop-insurance apps built on open-source platforms. That story can nudge German lawmakers to back joint funding for global digital public goods, giving both nations a stake in shared standards. Or picture an Indian MP at a parliamentarian forum hearing a Bangladeshi MP cite flooding data from Bangladesh that match rainfall patterns in Indian territories. They might jointly lobby for a climate-alert grid, knitting cooperation from common pain. Track 1½ diplomacy draws strength from such stories. It turns abstract strategy into talks, which can be carried back home and translated into budgets, school programmes, or start-up rules. For India, scaling this tool is both self-interest and soft-power display. A permanent Joint Committee on International Affairs, staffed with experts in peace studies and data security, could travel as easily as it legislates. It could run tours in the Indo-Pacific, host dialogue with African digital ministers, and even open its doors to diaspora town halls streamed online. When a crisis strikes—for example, a border flare-up, a rogue AI virus, or a vaccine rush—the committee would already know whom to call and what trust roadmap to follow. That readiness is cheaper than emergency firefighting. Also Read: India's all-party delegations show a problem with our embassies A way to build credibility and resilience The Modi government, by embracing parliamentary outreach after Sindoor and by putting MPs at the centre of tech talks, has set the direction. Legislators of every party should see foreign engagement as part of the job. Voters must reward serious cross-border work, not just television debates. Ministries can share briefings on time and treat MPs as partners. Think-tanks and universities should feed quick factsheets and longer studies, so that lawmakers land abroad armed with more than just talking points. Parliament cloud could store country notes, contact books, and draft MOUs searchable by future delegations. The world is listening. Many partners now ask India to lead South-South caucuses on AI ethics, digital payments, and climate-smart farming. Our MPs, shaped by the give-and-take of Indian democracy, are trained negotiators even before they step off the plane. If they speak with unity—ruling party, opposition, or regional voices—that chorus can be louder than any single ministry. The ceasefire that ends the next war, the treaty that stops a rogue algorithm, or the green corridor that stabilises supply chains might well be born in a roundtable chaired by a Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha member. And that, in plain words, is why parliamentary diplomacy deserves more airtime, budget, and respect. India's edge is credibility. We host both billionaires and subsistence farmers, quantum labs and tribal schools. Our MPs straddle that range every week in their constituencies. When they enter the Track 1½ space, they bring practical insights: how to price solar pumps, how to teach AI basics in local languages, and how to police deepfakes. That lived reality can bust myths and unblock talks. Countries that once saw India through the narrow lens of non-alignment now see a partner who codes, vaccinates, mediates, and legislates at scale. That impression did not come only from G20 headlines; it came from MPs shaking hands in committee rooms. Parliamentary diplomacy will not erase all wars or tame every dispute. But it certainly adds a layer of resilience. When leaders cannot meet, lawmakers still can. While diplomats talk numbers and protocol, legislators tell stories. One persuades the head, the other moves the heart. If we keep investing in this people-powered channel, our Parliament may yet prove to be the world's best conflict-prevention tool—not with soaring speeches alone, but with steady, patient, everyday conversations that turn rival states into responsible neighbours and runaway tech into trusted tools. The author is a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha from Odisha and a practicing Advocate. The co-author is a Mukherjee Fellow working with MP Sujeet Kumar. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)


India Gazette
4 hours ago
- India Gazette
15 fishermen returned from Iran, efforts on to rescue others, says Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nagendran
Chennai (Tamil Nadu) [India], July 7 (ANI): A group of 15 Tamil Nadu fishermen who were stranded in Iran following the Iran-Israel war have returned safely to Chennai. They were received at the Chennai airport by Tamil Nadu BJP President Nainar Nagendran, who later addressed the media regarding the rescue efforts. Nagendran explained that the fishermen, hailing from coastal villages in Sivagangai and Uvari regions, had travelled to Iran for deep-sea fishing. However, due to rising conflict in the region, they were unable to continue working and expressed their desire to return home. 'Upon receiving information about their situation, I immediately contacted the Minister of External Affairs. Emergency food supplies were arranged for the stranded fishermen on one of the islands. Efforts are also underway to rescue more fishermen from another island,' Nagendran said. Since direct flights from Iran were not feasible, the fishermen were brought to Dubai by ship and, from there, flown to Delhi, eventually reaching Chennai. He expressed gratitude to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Ministry of External Affairs for facilitating the rescue. The Tamil Nadu BJP funded the entire operation. Ajith, a fisherman from Uvari, expressed gratitude to the BJP for bringing them back. 'Due to war tensions, we couldn't work and were struggling even for food. We reached out to Nainar Nagendran, and he arranged for our return,' he said. Anto, another fisherman, recalled, 'We went to Iran in February, but the situation became tense and we couldn't go fishing for two months. We informed the BJP leadership, and they made arrangements for food and shelter. Tamil Nadu government officials did not reach out to us at all. All 15 of us from our group are now back, though another group on a different island is still stranded.' Mani from Tirunelveli shared the hardships they faced: 'The war zone was intense. We needed GPS equipment to fish, but it wasn't provided. Our boat owner offered no help. We remained stranded on the boat since June 13. No one came to rescue us except Nainar Nagendran, who responded within a week of our plea. We haven't received any wages, and the trauma remains. Seeing my wife and children will help me recover. He saved us like a god.' The Tamil Nadu BJP has promised to continue rescue efforts to bring back the remaining fishermen from Iran. Nagendran also commented on actor Vijay's recent statement about not aligning with any party. 'While Vijay now says he prefers to stand alone, the common goal between us and Vijay is that DMK should not remain in power. I had suggested unity based on that shared view,' he stated. 'Ever since the BJP and AIADMK reunited under the NDA alliance, DMK leaders have been visibly anxious. That's why they push the 'B-team' narrative. They said the same about TVK Chief Vijay and MNM Chief Kamal Haasan. Now Kamal is with the DMK, even an MP under their banner,' he added. Nagendran reaffirmed that with 10 months still to go before the Assembly elections, political strategies may evolve, and alliances could shift. (ANI)