Why I've changed my mind about a state of Palestine
Israel's response to the barbaric attacks 21 long months ago is increasingly testing the international community. Every state has the right to defend itself – but also the responsibility to wield force judiciously. How retribution is carried out, how military power is applied, and how operations affect civilians in the invaded territories all matter deeply. It confirms our values and distinguishes us from those we must fight.
The scale of continued suffering in Gaza cannot be justified solely by Israel's right to defeat Hamas. This is not to say Hamas should not be confronted – but rather Israel's absence of a discernible strategy to convert battlefield gains into lasting peace, or to separate Hamas from the broader Palestinian population. Two-thirds of Gaza lies in ruins. Two million people are displaced. And dozens die weekly, not in combat, but for inching forward in chaotic food lines, desperate for handouts.
On the ground, Hamas forces have been severely weakened. Iran, its proxy backer, has also been constrained. And yet, famine now looms as the deadliest threat. Under international pressure, Israel has permitted food airdrops into Gaza. But, as UN aid chief Tom Fletcher has said, these are 'a drop in the ocean'.
Airdrops are inefficient, especially while hundreds of aid trucks wait, fully loaded, at sealed border crossings. Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has kept those crossings closed and removed food distribution from UN agencies, handing it to the Israeli Defence Forces, who lack the infrastructure or experience to manage it effectively.
Let's be blunt. Beyond 'destroying Hamas', Netanyahu offers no credible endgame, no plan for post-conflict governance in Gaza, no roadmap toward the long-promised two-state solution. His actions suggest a strategy of perpetual conflict.
Regional powers, including Egypt, Jordan and the UAE, along with much of the international community, are eager to help. Not only to address the humanitarian crisis but to support the establishment of a credible post-Hamas governance structure that's likely to require international supervision. But Netanyahu rejects such support, shielded by continued backing from the White House, which has so far extended understandable but seemingly unconditional support following the Hamas attacks.
However, Netanyahu's tactical decisions, lacking any strategic vision, are beginning to test that support. Where is he taking this conflict – a conflict that, in a broader sense, has been ongoing since 1948. His devastating campaign in Gaza and continued illegal settlement expansion in the West Bank suggest an intent to make a two-state solution unviable.
In 2014, when the UK Parliament last debated Palestinian recognition, I responded as a foreign minister, saying Britain would recognise Palestine only when it judged such a move would aid the peace process, not as a symbolic gesture. It's a card that can only be played once, so it must be used wisely.
It's easy to argue that now is not the right time – that we must focus on the immediate crisis. But I would argue that now is exactly the right time, to deliver a jolt that might reverse a dangerous trajectory, one that risks closing the window on a two-state solution forever.
This issue is on the agenda at the UN in New York. Recognition could help shift global focus, isolate Hamas politically, and undercut Iran's justification for arming proxies in the region.
Waiting endlessly for the 'perfect moment' is not a strategy. The current status quo, or the pursuit of a one-state solution, will only entrench a perpetual insurgency, fuelled externally and leaving Israel in a state of permanent tensions with its neighbours.
As Trump's support for Netanyahu grows more conditional - including calls for decisive action to prevent famine – let's leverage this to refocus attention on the broader strategic imperative: achieving a two-state solution. Without that, suffering, extremism, and endless war will continue.
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The Independent
26 minutes ago
- The Independent
Donald Trump must put himself at the forefront of peace-building
Nobody expects consistency from Donald Trump, nor the Trump administration, dominated as it is by capricious personalities, but America's latest diplomatic moves in Middle Eastern policy are especially bewildering. The Palestinian Authority (PA) has latterly become a target for US sanctions, for which it is hardly the most deserving of candidates. It is not Hamas, for example – far from it, in fact: the terrorist organisation is a bitter rival, having effectively ceded Gaza from PA control many years ago. In contrast to so many other entities in the region, it has renounced violence and has even recognised the state of Israel. And yet Marco Rubio, secretary of state, has imposed new visa restrictions on PA officials, such that they cannot visit the US, which would include, ironically, peace conferences such as the one currently organised by the United Nations and being held in New York. Can the Trump administration be so resentful about the unexpected success of the conference that it could be so spiteful? It seems so – but it is counterproductive and unhelpful to the peace process. The conference, boycotted by Israel and the United States, is the result of a joint French and Saudi Arabian initiative, and has enjoyed great success in further securing international recognition for the state of Palestine while demanding Hamas disarm and give up its grip on Gaza. Virtually the entire Arab world has endorsed that concept of Palestinian nationhood, without Hamas – as has, in effect, the UK. Yet despite President Trump giving the green light to the British and French to recognise Palestine, and never having raised any retrospective objections to some 140 other nations that have previously done so, including India and China, he has thrown a tantrum. The latest country to recognise Palestinian statehood is Canada. This has provoked an unusually harsh reaction from Mr Trump, who once again is threatening Canada with a trade war in retaliation, itself an attack on Canadian sovereignty. Then again, given that President Trump doesn't recognise the legitimacy of the state of Canada itself, that is not so surprising. By contrast, he has shown no such vengeance – yet – towards Britain or France, nor Saudi Arabia or the rest of the Arab League. Or Mexico, for that matter, which is also joining the diplomatic wave. The world has had to act now, not because it wishes to reward Hamas for the atrocities it committed on 7 October 2023, but to try to preserve life in Gaza and advance the cause of a two-state solution to the conflict. At its simplest, the act of recognising Palestine is a way of pressuring Israel into declaring a ceasefire, ending the military actions, and preventing the famine from worsening. It is not about putting Hamas back into power; any viable two-state solution by definition cannot allow Hamas, or any Hamas-like organisation, to have a role in the governance of any part of the state of Palestine. That is why it is in the interests of Israel and America to support the creation of such an entity. An independent Palestine, by its own actions and with international guarantees, cannot be allowed to exist as a threat to Israel; nor, however, can Israel follow policies that force the Palestinian people to suffer and drive them from their homeland, as defined as the occupied territories. 'From the river to the sea' cannot be the slogan of either side if peace, stability and prosperity are to prevail. With a sustainable Israeli ceasefire, the hostages are far more likely to be released. Not so very long ago, that was the avowed and consistent aim of US policy under successive administrations. It was also, from time to time, the policy of Israeli prime ministers. There were successes – international treaties, peace accords, smaller deals and, in President Trump's first term, the Abraham accords, which saw more regional players normalising full diplomatic relations with Israel. That process was interrupted by the murderous attacks and hostage taking of 7 October, but it must be resumed, as another part of the peace process. Like presidents before him, Mr Trump could and should be at the forefront of peace-building. Indeed, he can hardly avoid it, given the geopolitics, and he ran for office on a pledge that he would end the war in Gaza. He has sent another envoy, Steve Witkoff, to see the situation on the ground, and Mr Witkoff should confirm the dire humanitarian situation. That is but the first step in a process that takes in a permanent ceasefire, the establishment of Hamas-free governance in Gaza, a plan to rebuild Gaza – with American investment along the lines of Mr Trump's Mediterranean resort plan – and the aim of a Palestinian nation peacefully co-existing with its neighbour, with both peoples free from fear and secure in their respective homelands. The expulsion of the population of Gaza, a continuation of the war and a return to terrorism isn't good for anyone, and certainly not the people of Israel, who yearn for permanent safety and security for themselves and their families, and no future '7 Octobers'. That vision is surely something that President Trump could get behind – preferably with a dogged determination and consistency.
The Guardian
26 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Family pleads for release of Palestinian-American teen held in Israeli prison
The family of a 16-year-old dual American-Palestinian citizen is trying to secure his release from an Israeli prison where he has been held in detention for more than five months and where they say he has lost a significant amount of weight and developed a severe skin infection. Muhammad Zaher Ibrahim was still 15 when he was arrested at his family's home in the occupied West Bank village of Silwad in February. According to relatives, he was blindfolded and handcuffed before being taken to Megiddo prison in Israel, where he remains in pre-trial detention accused of throwing rocks – accusations his family denies. Muhammad, the youngest of five, lives in the West Bank but his family splits their time between the village and Palm Bay, Florida. His father, Zaher Ibrahim, reached out to Republican congressman Mike Haridopolos from their home state of Florida in March, pleading for help after more than 45 days without contact with his son. 'The Megiddo Prison is notorious for brutality and suffering,' Zaher Ibrahim wrote in a form he sent to Haridopolos that has been viewed by the Guardian. 'We are kindly asking for some support in this matter. We have exhausted all efforts locally here in Israel and have no other option than to ask our local Florida office officials to reach out on our behalf.' Haridopolos's office confirmed it had been contacted about Muhammad Ibrahim and said it had shared the family's information with the state department. The office said it had been informed that the US embassy in Israel was 'following standard procedures'. A spokesperson for the state department said in a statement there is 'no higher priority than the safety and security of U.S. citizens'. The Israel Defense Forces did not respond to queries about the allegations against Ibrahim, directing questions to the Israel Prison Service, which manages the Megiddo prison. The IPS has not responded to requests for comment. The Guardian first became aware of Muhammad Ibrahim's detention through reporting on his cousin Sayfollah Musallet, a 20-year-old dual US-Palestinian citizen allegedly beaten to death by Israeli settlers in the West Bank earlier in July while visiting relatives. Ibrahim is one of hundreds of Palestinian children in Israeli military detention, where advocates say even US citizenship offers little protection from a system that routinely holds minors for extended periods without charge or family contact during proceedings that can drag on for months. 'Palestinian children in Israeli prisons are totally disconnected from the outside world,' Ayed Abu Eqtaish, the West Bank-based accountability program director at Defense for Children International-Palestine said. 'They will not recognize whether you are American, Somalian or whatever your citizenship.' US embassy officials have conducted welfare checks on Muhammad Ibrahim since his detention but have faced restrictions in recent weeks, according to an email sent by a state department official to the family. Zaher, Muhammad's father, said he was informed by the embassy following one of their early visits that his son appeared to have lost 12kg (26lb) in the spring. In mid-July, the state department informed the family in an email seen by the Guardian that Muhammad Ibrahim was suffering from scabies, a contagious skin infection caused by mites, and was receiving medical treatment, and said US officials would visit once he recovered. Local staff with the state department did not comment on his health or whether they've been able to see him since, but in a statement a spokesperson told the Guardian the department 'works to provide consular assistance which may include visiting detained U.S. citizens to ensure they have access to necessary medication or medical attention and facilitating authorized communications with their family or others'. Ibrahim's lawyer did not return a request for comment to clarify the status of the case against him, but a video seen by the Guardian of Muhammad Ibrahim's interrogation while in detention shows Israeli officials questioning the teenager over rock throwing in Silwad. He did not appear to have a lawyer present. As of March 2025, 323 Palestinian children between the ages of 12 and 17 were being held in Israeli military detention, according to data from the Defense for Children International-Palestine. According to a 2011 report from B'Tselem, 835 Palestinian minors between the ages of 12 and 17 were tried on stone-throwing charges in military courts between 2005 and 2010, and only one minor was acquitted. A majority of the minors would receive sentences of longer than four months. Since Hamas's 7 October attacks and Israel's subsequent bombardment of Gaza, conditions for Palestinian detainees from both Gaza and the West Bank have deteriorated significantly. Advocates say military prosecutors have now become less willing to negotiate plea deals that might lead to earlier releases. 'After October 2023, the situation was harsher,' Abu Eqtaish said. 'Now they are stricter in punishment and sentences. We encounter problems knowing about living conditions inside prisons. There's no family presence. Lawyer visits are very restricted.'
Telegraph
26 minutes ago
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Revealed: Iran's plan to kidnap and kill UK and US citizens
Iran is conducting a covert operation to 'kill and kidnap' people in the UK and US, the State Department has warned. The United States and more than a dozen of its allies, including the United Kingdom, accused Tehran of conducting a campaign to murder and abduct dissidents, journalists and officials around the world. 'We are united in our opposition to the attempts of Iranian intelligence services to kill, kidnap, and harass people in Europe and North America in clear violation of our sovereignty,' a joint statement read. 'These services are increasingly collaborating with international criminal organisations to target journalists, dissidents, Jewish citizens, and current and former officials in Europe and North America. This is unacceptable.' Earlier this month, Britain's spy agencies warned that Iran had targeted 'prominent Jewish individuals' in at least 15 attempts to kill or kidnap people in the UK. In May, a suspected Iranian terror attack in Birmingham hours away from being launched was foiled by counter-terror police. Police were deployed to Rochdale, Swindon, west London, Stockport and Manchester in response. Five men, including four Iranian nationals, were arrested at locations across England on Saturday in what the Home Secretary described as one of the biggest counter-terror operations in recent years. In the United States, two purported mobsters were convicted of a plot to assassinate Masih Alinejad, the Iranian American journalist, at her home in New York City in a murder-for-hire scheme financed by Tehran. Prosecutors said Iranian intelligence officials first plotted in 2020 and 2021 to kidnap her in the US and move her to Iran to silence her criticism. When that failed, Iran offered $500,000 for a July 2022 killing of Alinejad after efforts to harass, smear and intimidate her failed. In 2011, the US authorities foiled an Iranian bid to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington. The attacks amount to 'violations of our sovereignty,' the countries said. 'We are committed to working together to prevent these actions from happening and we call on the Iranian authorities to immediately put an end to such illegal activities in our respective territories.'
