
David Horowitz, combative right-wing activist and author, dies at 86
Advertisement
He gradually became disillusioned by the movement and, in a break from politics, partnered with his friend Peter Collier to write books about powerful American families, including well-received portraits of the Kennedys, the Roosevelts, and the Ford auto-making family. Their first collaboration, 'The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty' (1976), was a finalist for the National Book Awards.
Get Starting Point
A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday.
Enter Email
Sign Up
Beginning in 1985, when the duo co-wrote a Washington Post Magazine article titled 'Lefties for Reagan,' they also drew attention for their turn toward conservatism. The Los Angeles Times likened them to 'lumberjacks on a two-man saw, enthusiastically cutting through a forest of former beliefs.'
Mr. Horowitz and Collier explained they had decided to vote for President Ronald Reagan out of frustration with the left's 'anti-Americanism' and 'casual indulgence of Soviet totalitarianism,' among other issues.
Advertisement
'Looking back on the left's revolutionary enthusiasms of the last 25 years, we have painfully learned what should have been obvious all along: that we live in an imperfect world that is bettered only with great difficulty and easily made worse - much worse,' they wrote. 'This is a conservative assessment, but on the basis of half a lifetime's experience, it seems about right.'
Although he continued to write biographies with Collier, Mr. Horowitz shifted his focus back to politics, reinventing himself as a conservative commentator and provocateur.
He spoke at college campuses, wrote dozens of books (including the 2017 bestseller 'Big Agenda: President Trump's Plan to Save America') and appeared frequently on television, particularly on Fox News, where he denounced President Obama as 'an evil man' who was 'destroying our borders.'
Long before the Trump administration began seeking more federal control of universities, he helped lay the groundwork for the White House's efforts, arguing in books such as 'Indoctrination U' (2007) that America's universities had become incubators for left-wing politics and had abandoned the principle of academic freedom.
Mr. Horowitz influenced conservative activists and political advisers such as Charlie Kirk, who called him 'a titan in the battle of ideas and a warrior for Western civilization,' and Stephen Miller, the Trump White House deputy chief of staff for policy, who credited him with inspiring 'generations of bold conservative leaders.'
Miller first sought out Mr. Horowitz for advice as a teenager in Santa Monica, while trying to persuade high school administrators to direct daily recitations of the Pledge of Allegiance. Mr. Horowitz later helped him get a job in the office of Senator Jeff Sessions, the Alabama Republican who served as attorney general during Donald Trump's first term.
Advertisement
Outside of right-wing circles, Mr. Horowitz was harshly criticized, including for describing Black Lives Matter as 'a violent racist organization' and equating Palestinians to 'Nazis.' The Southern Poverty Law Center called him 'a driving force of the anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant and anti-black movements,' citing his direction of the Freedom Center, which began in 1988 as the Center for the Study of Popular Culture.
The center has denounced climate science, illegal immigration, and the spread of Islam, organizing a 2007 event called 'Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week' that was billed as a campaign to call out 'the oppression of women in Islam.' Its gatherings drew future Trump officials and advisers including Sessions and Stephen K. Bannon.
Discussing the group in a 2017 interview with the Post, Mr. Horowitz cast the center as a key defender of 'traditional American values' and as a counterweight to rival groups spending money on behalf of the left.
'People would refer to my Freedom Center as a 'think tank,'' he wrote in a 2017 article for Breitbart News, 'and I would correct them, 'No, it's a battle tank,' because that is what I felt was missing most in the conservative cause - troops ready and willing to fight fire with fire.'
One of two children, David Joel Horowitz was born in Queens on Jan. 10, 1939. He studied English at Columbia University, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1959, and married Elissa Krauthammer that same year.
Mr. Horowitz earned a master's degree in English from the University of California Berkeley in 1961, and the next year he published his first book, 'Student,' a report on the political activism taking place on campus.
Advertisement
His political advocacy took him to London, where he worked for the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation and befriended the Polish Marxist writer Isaac Deutscher, whose biography he published in 1971, a few years after returning to Berkeley and joining the staff of Ramparts.
'The system cannot be revitalized; it must be overthrown,' the magazine declared in a 1970 editorial. 'As humanely as possible, but by any means necessary.' (Mr. Horowitz later told The New York Times that he was the one who pushed for the 'humanely' part.)
At Ramparts, Mr. Horowitz worked closely with Collier, a fellow editor who had also been a graduate student at Berkeley. He also got to know Huey Newton, the founder of the Black Panther Party, which was heavily featured in the publication. Mr. Horowitz helped the Panthers raise money to finance a school for poor children in Oakland.
Mr. Horowitz (right) of Ramparts magazine answered questions at a news conference in Berkeley, Calif., in 1972. He appeared along with editor Peter Collier (third from right) and Perry Fellwock (second from right) of San Diego. Fellwock, an antiwar activist, was credited by the magazine as the source for an article on National Security Agency intelligence-gathering.
Sal Veder/Associated Press
But he grew disillusioned with the organization, and with left-wing politics more broadly, after the death of his friend Betty Van Patter, a white woman whom he had introduced to the Panthers. While working for the group as a bookkeeper, she disappeared in late 1974. Weeks later, her body was found in San Francisco Bay, badly beaten.
Although no one was charged with her killing, Mr. Horowitz was convinced the Panthers were responsible. 'Everything I had believed in and worked for, every effort to ally myself with what was virtuous and right, had ultimately led to my involvement with the Panthers, and the invitation to Betty to take the job that killed her,' he wrote in a 1997 memoir, 'Radical Son.'
Advertisement
By his own acknowledgment, her death sent him into a tailspin. He bought a Datsun sports car; was nearly killed when it was struck by a train, according to The New York Times; and divorced his wife after nearly two decades of marriage.
Writing, especially in partnership with Collier, seemed to bring stability. Together they produced books including 'The Kennedys: An American Drama' (1984), a four-generation history that charted the rise of patriarch Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. and the successes and disappointments of his descendants.
'Collier and Horowitz have blended historical research and journalism brilliantly,' Washington Post journalist Bob Woodward wrote in a review. 'The information they have gathered will always be an important part of the record, although their particular vision of the Kennedys as doomed family will likely die with other Kennedy myths. They see the Kennedy history as a story of alliances and dreams - in their view, the wrong alliances and the wrong dreams. Where the individual family members succeeded, the authors see money, manipulation and insincerity. Where the family failed, Collier and Horowitz see payment for the successes.'
Mr. Horowitz's marriages to Sam Moorman and Shay Marlowe ended in divorce. In 1998, he married April Mullvain.
Complete information on survivors was not immediately available. Mr. Horowitz had a stepson, John, and four children from his first marriage: Jonathan Daniel, Ben, Anne and Sarah Horowitz, who was born with Turner syndrome, a chromosomal condition, and died in 2008 at the age of 44. He wrote about her legacy in a 2009 book, 'A Cracking of the Heart.'
Describing his political views, Mr. Horowitz said he was more moderate than his critics made him out to be, writing in a 2002 essay for Salon that he was 'a defender of gays and 'alternative lifestyles,' a moderate on abortion, and a civil rights activist.'
Advertisement
But he was unabashed about his combative style and, to the dismay of some conservatives, his defense of Trump, whom he falsely claimed had won the 2020 election.
'If you're nuanced and you speak in what I would call an intellectual manner, you get eaten alive,' Mr. Horowitz told the Times in 2017. 'It's a great handicap to be talking like accountants while the opposition are making moral indictments.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New York Post
an hour ago
- New York Post
Mamdani would make New York a gloomy city of handouts and moochers
For centuries, New York City was the place strivers came to make something of their lives — where smarts, hard work and grit turned pushcarts into prosperity, and where the streets were paved with gold for those willing to mine them. Success in New York was always tougher than anyplace else. Making it here meant you could make it anywhere. Only the very poor received charity or government assistance, and only enough to help them get on their feet and start helping themselves. Advertisement Zohran Mamdani has a very different philosophy. Much of his 'affordability agenda' isn't targeted to the neediest — but to New Yorkers who should be paying their own way. Take fare-free buses: The city already offers a half-price 'Fair Fares' program for low-income bus and subway riders. Advertisement Free buses would be available to everyone, including well-paid professionals and even loathed billionaires. Food stamps, too, are means-tested, but city-run grocery stores wouldn't stop millionaires from scooping up avocados at below-market prices. Plenty of wealthy people already live in rent-stabilized apartments, so freezing the rent would benefit some rich tenants at landlords' expense, even those small landlords who are less well-off than their tenants. Advertisement But Mamdani isn't asking everyone to share the burden evenly by raising taxes across the board. He wants to tax corporations and the wealthiest. It's welfare for the upper-middle class, with no strings attached. It's also a paradigm shift, a belief that government — not our own efforts — should guarantee security. The traditional American free market rewards those who work hard, delay gratification and take risks. Advertisement Those efforts benefit wider society — making companies more productive, adding to the tax base through growth and extending new opportunities for others. In much of the country, homeownership is the reward for these sacrifices — a marker of having earned one's place in society and holding a stake in a stable neighborhood. In rental-heavy New York, paying rent for a comfortable place confers a similar status. Every morning, the NY POSTcast offers a deep dive into the headlines with the Post's signature mix of politics, business, pop culture, true crime and everything in between. Subscribe here! Rent stabilization, by contrast, provides these benefits through government mandate. Stabilized tenants can pass along a legal entitlement to live in the below-market apartment to family members and even in some cases to non-related co-residents. Unsurprisingly, these tenants rarely give up their sweetheart deals, making it harder for younger New Yorkers to find a foothold. Doubling down on these programs would make New Yorkers more dependent on them — and on the government. As always, those who benefit from a government program have a strong stake in seeing it continue — and they vote. Mamdani's proposals are tailor-made for his base of young, highly educated, far-left NYC newcomers. These bright and capable young voters aren't chasing big dreams. Advertisement By many measures, they experience higher rates of mental health challenges and lower well-being at work — and are turning to the government for a more comfortable, secure life. But New York has never been content with 'good enough.' Is it difficult to buy a house or afford rent, especially for the young? Absolutely. But is it the answer to hand more power to City Hall and let it determine more of our lives? Advertisement The government's track record isn't pretty. Get opinions and commentary from our columnists Subscribe to our daily Post Opinion newsletter! Thanks for signing up! Enter your email address Please provide a valid email address. By clicking above you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Never miss a story. Check out more newsletters The single biggest reason why housing is so expensive in NYC is that, for decades, City Hall has prevented the private sector from building enough supply to meet demand. And in the housing stock the government does control or influence, residents aren't thriving. Advertisement Rent-stabilized apartment stock is rapidly deteriorating. Landlords are prohibited from collecting enough in rent increases to cover higher operating and maintenance costs. Conditions in NYCHA buildings are so poor that far-left Public Advocate Jumaane Williams has repeatedly named the public housing authority the worst landlord in the city. On average, it takes 413 days for NYCHA to complete repairs. At its best, New York rewards aspiration, not entitlement. If the city is to be a place where strivers thrive, its government must reward diligence and productivity. Advertisement It must allow for growth, making it easy for businesses to set up shop and create jobs. Instead of making life more comfortable for young professionals, the next mayor should inspire them to make the most of their skills and talents — to make them dream bigger than what mere government can offer. Allowing the private sector to build much more housing would give young New Yorkers a better chance to buy or rent new, modern apartments. They'd feel like their hard work is getting them somewhere. The alternative is stagnation — a sadder, less dynamic city. That's not New York. John Ketcham is director of cities and a legal policy fellow at the Manhattan Institute. All views expressed are those of the author and not the Manhattan Institute.


Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Miami Herald
On Russia, Trump is just as foolish as Bush, Obama and Biden
Donald Trump gets a lot of guff from his opponents and a lot of love from his followers for being a different kind of politician than those who came before. And he sure is. But in at least one way, Trump is standard-issue. On Russia, Trump is amazingly conventional, following in the well-worn path of George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Joe Biden, all three presidents who came before his second term. Like his predecessors, Trump entered office wanting to give Russian tyrant Vladimir Putin the benefit of the doubt, all evidence to the contrary notwithstanding. It really is amazing given the timeline of Russian aggression under Putin's leadership, which began in 1999. George W. Bush When Bush first met Putin at a summit in Slovenia, he looked into the dictator's soul and found something good there. 'I looked the man in the eye. I found him to be very straightforward and trustworthy,' Bush said, '… I was able to get a sense of his soul.' Bush had hopes of reforming the former Soviet state and bringing it into closer alignment with the West. Putin had other ideas, continuing a brutal war to suppress the independence movement in Chechnya and later invading Georgia in 2008 on the trumped up concerns that Russians in two Eastern provinces of the former Soviet republic wanted to break away. Barack Obama The next year, Obama came into office with top foreign policy hand Hillary Clinton at his side. The Democratic duo thought the problem with U.S.-Russia relations was the Republican they replaced, so they sought the famous 'reset' of relations. That was rewarded with the first invasion of Ukraine that included the capture of Crimea. Joe Biden When the most experienced president in 50 years, Biden, tottered into the White House in 2021, he was not foolish enough to say anything about a reset. He did think he could change the tenor of the relationship, 'cooling off' the confrontation in his aides' words. That was rewarded with the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Donald Trump Undeterred by the obvious pattern, Trump returned to office with plans to reach a peace deal between Ukraine and Russia within a day. That didn't happen. Russia instead escalated its bombing of Ukrainian cities to new heights. Now nearly six months into the new administration, Trump is frustrated and threatening to increase the supply of weapons to Ukraine's defenders, a move his critics suggested long ago and that Republicans themselves had suggested during the Biden administration's long, slow escalation of such aid to Kiev. It is amazing to me that such an intellectually diverse group of men could each rationalize themselves into the same foolishness. Perhaps one possible cause is the nastiness of our politics, where each president starts to believe that the guy who came before him didn't just have political differences, but instead was both evil and incompetent. Each in turn believed that the benighted fool who came before just didn't have the skill or intention of getting policy right. It is also comforting as you come into the White House to pretend that the opponents we face overseas are rational and competent, unlike our domestic opponents. It is harder to promise quick and easy solutions if you recognize Russia's leader as implacably vile. Now that Trump is rethinking his naive but traditional policy of hoping for the best from Putin, Americans need to engage in some hope themselves. Last time Trump was in office, he reportedly told Putin that if Russia invaded Ukraine, the United States would be bombing Moscow in short order. That's not a wise policy, either, and it's not one Trump should follow if Putin redoubles his efforts to conquer Ukraine. Trump came into office promising to keep the United States out of foreign wars. Arming the Ukrainians so they can do the fighting is the best way to do that. Hopefully Trump, like at least some of his predecessors, has figured that out.


Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Miami Herald
The Trump-Epstein circular firing squad is just like an episode of ‘Seinfeld'
The Jeffrey Epstein scandal that has engulfed the Trump administration and MAGA world is like an episode of 'Seinfeld.' Somebody does something stupid and the remainder of the show is about the reactions of a cast of soulless characters who are so without redeeming qualities, you can't root for any of them. Donald Trump's decision not to release whatever is in the Epstein files has paralyzed the most MAGA of conservative media outlets. When I checked earlier today, The Federalist, The Daily Caller and Breitbart were all doing their best to ignore the story dividing Trumpists like never before. It is like the digital outlets are waiting for orders from on high, but the leading voices are a confused cacophony, not the usual Trumpy chorus. Fox News and the Wall Street Journal opinion page are both promoting an op-ed by former Epstein lawyer Alan Dershowitz that is as confused as this Seinfeldian story about nothing. You see, Dershowitz says there's nothing to see here, Epstein committed suicide and was not murdered, but the jail staff may have helped him. Oh, also there's nothing incriminating about Trump. Suicide is a fraught subject that must be handled delicately in all instances, but I am not so clear on how there can be help from the people who are supposed to be guarding you. I didn't know it was OK for the guards to deliver 'assisted' suicide services normally provided by medical personnel. Wouldn't that be a scandal? Dershowitz blames the fact that you can't see the Justice Department files on court-ordered secrecy, as if suddenly the Trump administration has gotten all Emily Post about following judges' orders. Meanwhile the formerly conservative Drudge Report, enemy of all things Emily Post and still frequented by many on the right who want a dose of the day's tabloid fare, is promoting rumors that a big Trump-Epstein story is about to appear in the pages of either The Washington Post, The New York Times or The Wall Street Journal. Just as I am writing this, The Wall Street Journal breathlessly published a story marked 'exclusive' that, along with dozens of other people, Trump wrote a bawdy letter to Epstein for his 50th birthday. In this letter, Trump allegedly drew a naughty picture with breasts and pubic hair. Oh, my. The only thing worth being on the front page is that Trump called the Journal's top editor to try to stop the story with a lawsuit threat. So it is no wonder the White House and Trump himself are livid at all this attention with the press secretary blasting people like me who keep covering this 'like it's the biggest story that the American people care about.' For once, Karoline Leavitt appears to be sticking to the facts. Conservative talk radio hosts who I listen to, such as Erick Erickson, report that while their 'very online' listeners are mad as hell, their ideological cousins who have touched grass more recently couldn't care less. If it is not clear already, I am watching the whole kerfuffle and enjoying every minute. If a political movement born of nothing but Trump's grudges, conspiracy theories and self-interest deserves anything, it is to suffer a circular firing squad about Trump holding a grudge against his supporters who still believe a conspiracy theory that is suddenly no longer in Trump's self-interest. This won't be the last time that Trump's imaginary hobgoblins will come back to haunt him. Wait until his handpicked Attorney General Pam Bondi fails to come up with anyone to indict for stealing the 2020 election, as all Trump's supporters have been promised. We'll think back on this week's Epstein blowup as a little family disagreement. If we were watching a 'Seinfeld' episode, this is where Jerry would be told, 'No soup for you,' and we'd all have a good laugh. It isn't so funny when the job prospects of our top law enforcement officers depend on the outcome of a scandal about nothing and the president seems more engaged with the fate of a dead sex trafficker than the real lives of the people he is supposed to govern.