
Police clash with anti-government protesters in Serbia as thousands rally against president
Dozens of protesters were detained during clashes with riot police in Serbia on Saturday, as thousands demanded early parliamentary elections in a rally against populist President Aleksandar Vucic.
The protest was held after nearly eight months of dissent led by Serbia's university students and has been fuelled by allegations of corruption and negligence.
As they filled the capital's central Slavija Square, the crowd chanted "we want elections!".
Tensions were high before and during the gathering, with riot police deployed around government buildings and close to a camp of Vucic's loyalists in central Belgrade.
Police said dozens of 'hooligans' were detained but did not provide the exact number.
'Elections are a clear way out of the social crisis caused by the deeds of the government, which is undoubtedly against the interests of their own people,' one of the students, who didn't give her name, said to the crowd. 'Today, on June 28, 2025, we declare the current authorities illegitimate.'
At the end of the official part of the rally, students told the crowd to 'take freedom into your own hands.'
University students have been a key force behind nationwide anti-corruption demonstrations that started after a renovated rail station canopy collapsed, killing 16 people in November.
Many blamed the concrete roof crash on rampant government corruption and negligence in state infrastructure projects, leading to recurring mass protests.
'We are here today because we cannot take it anymore,' student Darko Kovacevic said. 'This has been going on for too long. We are mired in corruption."
Vucic and his right-wing Serbian Progressive Party have repeatedly refused the demand for an early vote and accused protesters of planning to spur violence on orders from abroad, which they didn't specify or provide evidence of.
Vucic's authorities have launched a crackdown on Serbia's striking universities and other opponents, while increasing pressure on independent media as they tried to curb the demonstrations.
While numbers have shrunk in recent weeks, the massive showing for Saturday's anti-Vucic rally suggested that the resolve persists, despite relentless pressure and after nearly eight months of almost daily protests.
Serbian police, which is firmly controlled by Vucic's government, said that 36,000 people were present at the start of the protest on Saturday.
Serbia's Interior Minister Ivica Dacic said participants in the protest attacked the police, and that police used their powers to restore public order.
Saturday marked St. Vitus Day, a religious holiday and the date when Serbs mark a 14th-century battle against Ottoman Turks in Kosovo that was the start of hundreds of years of Turkish rule, holding symbolic importance.
Vucic, a former extreme nationalist, has become increasingly authoritarian since coming to power more than a decade ago.
Though he formally says he wants Serbia to join the European Union, critics say Vucic has stifled democratic freedoms as he strengthened ties with Russia and China.
Serbian presidential and parliamentary elections are due in 2027.
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Belfast Telegraph
6 hours ago
- Belfast Telegraph
Five questions that Stormont leaders delayed answering for months
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NBC News
8 hours ago
- NBC News
Zohran Mamdani says mayors shouldn't 'police speech' when asked to condemn 'globalize the intifada' slogan
Zohran Mamdani, the presumptive Democratic nominee in New York City's mayoral race, on Sunday again sidestepped an opportunity to condemn the phrase "globalize the intifada," saying that mayors shouldn't "police speech." "That's not language that I use," Mamdani said when asked if he condemns the phrase, which is widely viewed by Jewish groups as offensive and anti-semitic, on NBC News' "Meet the Press." "The language that I use and the language that I will continue to use to lead the city is that which speaks clearly to my intent, which is an intent grounded in a belief in universal human rights." Mamdani added, "Ultimately, that's what is the foundation of so much of my politics, the belief that freedom and justice and safety are things that have meaning, have to be applied to all people, and that includes Israelis and Palestinians." In response to a second direct question from "Meet the Press" moderator Kristen Welker about whether he condemns the phrase, Mamdani said that he's hear from many Jewish New Yorkers who have shared their concerns about the phrase. "I've heard those fears, and I've had those conversations, and ultimately, they are part and parcel of why in my campaign, I've put forward a commitment to increase funding for anti-hate crime programming by 800%," Mamdani answered, once again demurring on the direct question about condemning the phrase. "I don't believe that the role of the mayor is to police speech," he added. Asked why it wouldn't be easier to just condemn the phrase, which many Jewish organizations have condemned and labeled anti-semitic, Mamdani told Welker, "My concern is, to start to walk down the line of language and making clear what language I believe is permissible or impermissible takes me into a place similar to that of the president." Mamdani pointed to several students, like Rumeysa Öztürk and Mahmoud Khalil, who were detained by the Trump administration earlier this year after they wrote or protested against Israel and in favor of those living in Gaza. "Ultimately, it's not language that I use, it's language I understand there are concerns about, and what I will do is showcase my vision for the city through my words and my actions," Mamdani added. Mamdani's refusal to condemn the phrase made headlines in the final days leading up to the Democratic mayoral primary. In an interview with The Bulwark posted on June 17, Mamdani was asked whether the phrase "globalize the intifada" made him uncomfortable. He responded, saying that it reflects, "a desperate desire for equality and equal rights in standing up for Palestinian human rights." In the same interview, he called the recent rise in anti-semitism 'a real issue in our city' that the next mayor should focus on "tackling." Jewish organizations and officials quickly spoke out against the phrase, with Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO of the Anti-Defamation League, writing in a post on X, "Globalize the Intifada is an explicit call for violence. Globalize the Intifada celebrates and glorifies savagery and terror. Globalize the Intifada dishonors the memory of 1,000s slaughtered, tens of 1,000s maimed, and millions traumatized who were targeted simply because of their identities. Globalize the Intifada is not just dangerous. It's an explicit incitement to violence." In a statement at the time, Rep. Dan Goldman, D-N.Y., who represents parts of New York City, blasted Mamdani, saying, "If Mr. Mamdani is unwilling to heed the request of major Jewish organizations to condemn this unquestionably antisemitic phrase, then he is unfit to lead a city with 1.3 million Jews — the largest Jewish population outside of Israel.' On Saturday, Goldman said in a subsequent statement that he had since met with Mamdani. "I explained why Jewish New Yorkers feel unsafe in the City and that, as he continues this campaign, he must not only condemn anti-Jewish hate and calls for violence, but make clear that as Mayor he would take proactive steps to protect all New Yorkers and make us secure," he said. 'I appreciate Zohran's willingness to reach out to me, to engage, and to listen, and I look forward to continuing the dialogue about our mutual desire to move this City in a positive direction," Goldman added. Mandani on Sunday also addressed President Donald Trump's comments this week, which included Trump calling the presumptive Democratic mayoral nominee a "communist." "I can't believe that's happening. That's a terrible thing for our country, by the way. He's a communist," Trump told reporters at the White House on Friday. "We're going to go to a communistic- so that's so bad for New York, but the rest of the country is revolting against it." On Sunday, Mamdani clarified that "I am not" a communist. " I have already had to start to get used to, get used to the fact that the president will talk about how I look, how I sound, where I'm from, who I am, ultimately, because he wants to distract from what I'm fighting for, and I'm fighting for the very working people that he ran a campaign to empower, that he has since then betrayed," Mamdani added.


Spectator
8 hours ago
- Spectator
Trump cannot be a fascist
The global left and their many friends in the media are insisting with increasing hysteria that Donald Trump is imposing fascism on America. Their apocalyptical narrative is as simple as it is false: President Trump has begun the transformation of the USA into a fascist state. But the feverish intensity with which this tall story is told cannot conceal its mendacity. Trump has not, as fascists do, created blackshirt hit squads to terrorise and torture opponents, nor courts to jail them without just cause. And no rational observer believes his aim is to replace political parties with a one-party cult, or democracy with dictatorship. But above all, perhaps, the story is false because, regardless of what you were taught, and are told, fascism is a far-left, not far-right, phenomenon. Whatever else he may be, the Donald is not left-wing, unless you count his mission to protect the American working class from the negative aspects of globalisation. But for the left and their intellectual minders in command of the citadels of our culture, only their truth counts. Yet the 'proof' they offer of Trump's alleged fascism is risible. It includes his highly popular crackdown on illegal immigrants and his recent deployment of troops in Los Angeles after days of often riotous demos against that crackdown. It even includes his decision to hold a military parade in Washington DC on 14th June to mark the US army's 250th anniversary, and his 79th birthday. This, apparently, was a provocative display of – to use a new left-wing buzz-word – his 'militarisation' of America. To ram home the point, there were anti-Trump demos across America 'in defence of democracy' to coincide with the parade. As one protester explained to CBS: 'We need to show there are more Americans fighting this fascism than supporting it.' Progressive intellectuals, meanwhile, queue up to leap on board the Trump's-a-fascist bandwagon. They include the left-wing playwright, Sir David Hare, who in his Spectator diary earlier this month produced a list of the '16 principal characteristics of fascism', so vague as to be meaningless. And he used the word 'fascism' to lump together Italian fascism and its hybrid German offspring, Nazism, despite one glaring difference between the two: for many years, there was nothing anti-Semitic about Italian fascism until its inventor Benito Mussolini's fatal military alliance with Adolf Hitler in the late 1930s. Between 1922 when Mussolini came to power and 1938 when he introduced anti-Semitic laws, fascism did not persecute Italy's 50,000 Jews. Many Italian Jews were fascists, as was Mussolini's main mistress for most of that period, Margherita Sarfatti. Even afterwards, fascist anti-Semitism, however shameful, was only ever half-hearted. Relatively very few Jews (8,000) were deported from fascist Italy to the Nazi death camps. Indeed, in Italian-occupied south east France, fascist officers and officials saved thousands of Jews from the Nazis and Vichy France. So it is not true, as Sir David claims, that if the Nazi genocide can be denied by apologists then 'fascism could be rehabilitated'. For a simple reason: whereas Nazism was intrinsically anti-Semitic, and only the demented can deny its responsibility for the Holocaust, fascism was not necessarily. But this does not rehabilitate it as it was reprehensible. for all sorts of other reasons. As for Trump, he is not anti-Semitic at all, unlike so many of his left-wing opponents. As for Trump, he is not anti-Semitic at all, unlike so many of his left-wing opponents Sir David's 16 characteristics of fascism which include 'attacks' and 'assaults' on the media, cultural institutions, higher education and universities, could just as easily be applied to any dictatorship left or right. They also include 'obsession' with higher birth rates and 'elevation' of the heterosexual family, but these are just as characteristic of Catholicism and communism as they are of fascism. Number 11, 'extreme nationalism', might seem to the untrained eye to be a characteristic of fascism but as George Orwell, a left-wing patriot who despised communists, especially middle-class English ones, pointed out in his 1945 essay Notes on Nationalism, Soviet Russia was as nationalist as any fascist regime. As for number 15, 'persecution of particular racial groups': which dictatorship isn't guilty of that? Yet during the often violent recent LA protests, California's Democrat Governor Gavin Newsom called Trump 'a dictator' on X, and announced ominously in a state television address: 'Other states are next. Democracy is next. Democracy is under assault before our eyes.' Yet most Americans appear to support both Trump's sealing of the southern border which has virtually stopped illegal immigrant arrivals and his tough deportation programme. More than half (54 per cent) of Americans approve the deportations, according to a CBS/YouGov poll this month. And nearly all (97 per cent), in a poll by Pew Research Centre in March, support the deportation of illegal immigrants who have also committed violent crimes, and 44 per cent even support the deportation of illegal immigrants who arrived during the four years of the Joe Biden Presidency – believed to total a staggering 10 million people. That a clear majority vote for a political leader, as they did for Trump, and then approve what he is doing, does not entirely absolve him – or them – of being a fascist. But a determination to defend the borders of one's country surely must. To do so is not an act of fascism, as the left wants us to believe, but instead both the common sensical and the patriotic thing to do. Patriotism is the antithesis of fascism, unlike nationalism. Whereas a patriot wants to defend his country, culture and way of life, a nationalist wants to impose them. But unfortunately for the left, not even nationalism is the exclusive property of the right. It is ridiculous, as the global left keeps on doing, thanks to its ignorance and dishonesty, to try and brainwash us into thinking that the founder of MAGA, Donald Trump, is a reincarnation – in a red baseball cap, instead of a black fez – of the inventor of fascism, Benito Mussolini. Fascism was one side of the left-wing revolutionary coin; communism the other. The cult of woke which – unelected – has taken command of the vital organs of our society and culture is much more reminiscent of fascism than democratically elected Trump who epitomises the spirit of free enterprise. A quick look at Italian fascism and what it actually was, shows just how ridiculous it is to call Trump a fascist. Mussolini, the rising star of revolutionary socialism in Italy and editor of its party newspaper Avanti!, founded the fascist movement in 1919 as a left-wing revolutionary alternative to socialism. The first world war had forced him to accept that people are more loyal to country than class. He thus replaced the sacred Marxist creed of international socialism with national socialism which he called fascism. While the fascists did not abolish private property, they did set up the Corporate State – the so-called Third Way – by which the State jointly managed each major sector of the economy. The fascist class war was not between rich and poor but parasites and producers. The fascist state dominates the life of the individual both at work and outside Mussolini desired a totalitarian dictatorship with everything inside the state – nothing outside – not even the minds of the masses. To make this work, fascism had to become a religious cult complete with a nationwide congregation of the faithful, and led by the Duce, who would be, if not its Messiah, at least its Pope. Faith was Mussolini's watchword, and his bible was La Psychologie des Foules by Gustave Le Bon rather than Marx's Communist Manifesto. The 20th century would be the era of the crowd, wrote Le Bon, the sub-conscious crowd, irrational and tyrannical but impotent, unless led by a charismatic dictator in whom it had faith. The 1932 Dottrina del Fascismo, the nearest thing to a fascist manifesto, says: 'The fascist conception of life is a religious one' that aims to create 'a spiritual society'. Fascism 'accepts the individual only in so far as his interests coincide with those of the state.' The state is 'all embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist… Thus understood, fascism, is totalitarian.' In each town, the fascists built the party headquarters in the main piazza, complete with a belltower to summon the faithful, often opposite a real church – and always uneasily. Despite making temporal peace with the Vatican in 1929, fascism remained a rival of the Catholic Church in the battle for control of the minds, if not the souls, of Italians. But the Duce was not Jesus, nor even Pope. All this made fascism completely different from the Anglo-American, conservative 'bourgeois' right of which Trump is a part. As did its credo that the state is the solution, not the problem, whereas for conservatives the opposite is the case. The fascist state dominates the life of the individual both at work and outside. In the end, Mussolini helped cause catastrophic damage to Italy and Europe. But throughout the 1920s, and much of the 1930s, fascism was hugely admired across the political divide, even by legendary left-wing icons such as Mahatma Gandhi and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. But the communist left and their fellow travellers in the West became desperate to distance themselves from their fascist sibling, especially after the devastation of the second world war, above all caused by the Nazi version of fascism. Their relentless propaganda successfully branded fascism as the paid creature and agent of capitalism – and thus 'far right'. In reality, it never was. To the bitter end, Mussolini remained a socialist at heart. He even called the puppet regime the Germans allowed him to run in the north of Italy from 1943-45 the Repubblica Sociale Italiana. In April 1945, when communist partisans executed him and his mistress Clara Petacci after their capture at Lake Como, those with him included his old friend Nicola Bombacci, a founder of the Italian communist party and once a member of the Soviet Comintern, who had become his closest adviser. Bombacci's last words before a firing squad shot him dead by the lake were: 'Viva Mussolini! Viva il socialismo!' I'd love to ask Trump's accusers: 'Given the facts, how can you sit there and tell us the Donald is the Duce, let alone the Führer? Surely you on left are a far closer fit, aren't you?'