
European luxury: A new report reveals the challenges and growth prospects
In 2024, the value of the premium and luxury sector is down 1 percent compared to the previous year and now stands at 1,417 billion euros. These figures reflect the sector's sensitivity to recent economic fluctuations.
'In a baseline scenario where current turbulence gradually subsides, the luxury sector should reach a market size of between two trillion and 2.5 trillion euros by 2030,' the ECCIA study states. The experts confirm: 'The macroeconomic uncertainty following recent tariff announcements makes it difficult to define a single, clear evolutionary scenario.'
The personal luxury goods market, which includes fashion, currently represents about a quarter of the entire luxury goods sector. It has experienced robust growth over the past five years, with a CAGR (Compound Annual Growth Rate) of 5 percent from 2019 to 2024 (estimate). In 2024, the market is expected to experience its first slowdown since the Great Recession (2008-2009), excluding the impact of Covid-19, with a projected contraction of two percent at current exchange rates compared to the previous year.
In this context, ECCIA is sounding the alarm: 'Retaliatory measures, including tariffs and non-tariff barriers, threaten the industry's ability to maintain competitive access to these essential export markets,' the organisation stated in a press release. The rise of protectionist discourse could heighten tensions for a sector that relies heavily on open markets. ECCIA concluded: 'Moreover, our production cannot be relocated, as our business model and attractiveness are based on European cultural heritage and expertise.' Key pillars of luxury
To maintain positive momentum, luxury and premium players must keep in mind the maintenance of key pillars: aura; craftsmanship and technical excellence; creativity and innovation; sustainability and social responsibility; customer experience; selection of their distribution network; and their global appeal. Focus on six of them. Aura
Aura is an essential value lever in the luxury sector. It encompasses a brand's heritage, creativity, emotion and exclusivity to create a strong emotional bond with the consumer. In the age of digital technology and AI, where luxury codes are increasingly imitated, brands must preserve the authenticity of their creativity by combining innovation and heritage. Tomorrow's aura will no longer be limited to rare objects and materials. It will be expressed through strong emotional experiences, consistent storytelling and sincere engagement with contemporary issues such as inclusion, identity and social responsibility. Aura will thus become a marker of meaning as much as distinction. Craftsmanship and technical excellence
The future of European luxury depends on brands' ability to preserve and transmit their craftsmanship in the face of two major challenges: the rise of local competition in emerging markets and the scarcity of skilled craftspeople in Europe. To address this, brands are investing in training, academies and actions to promote crafts, in order to guarantee succession and strengthen the attractiveness of these professions. By anchoring this expertise in the future, they are securing their value chains while reaffirming their uniqueness in an increasingly competitive global market. Sustainability and social responsibility
The future of European luxury relies on ever-deeper integration of sustainability and social responsibility at the heart of business models. Rooted in craftsmanship and respect for nature, luxury brands must continue to innovate to protect their resources, while strengthening transparency, traceability and ethics throughout their value chain. In a context of increasing regulation, it will be essential for them to be able to make their sector-specific characteristics heard, in order to build ambitious, coherent and consumer-understandable sustainable strategies. Customer experience
The future of luxury lies in deepening the relationship between brands and customers, far beyond the act of purchase. To remain relevant, brands must offer immersive, cultural and emotional experiences that fully integrate into their customers' lifestyles and values. By cultivating these authentic connections through exclusive events and personalised interactions, they will strengthen their place in each consumer's personal world, transforming loyalty into lasting attachment. Selective distribution
The future of luxury relies on increasingly selective, controlled and omnichannel distribution, in order to preserve exclusivity while meeting the expectations of a demanding global clientele. Brands will need to continue to closely integrate physical and digital channels to offer personalised, consistent and emotionally engaging experiences. This strategy will not only strengthen loyalty and perceived value, but also protect product integrity in the face of growing grey market risks, while guaranteeing a direct and controlled relationship with each customer. Global recognition and appeal
To stay ahead, brands will need to step up their global marketing investments, adapting to the specific expectations of key markets such as Asia, the Middle East and the US, while preserving their European identity based on excellence, creativity and expertise. This strategy will enhance their attractiveness to an increasingly diverse and demanding international clientele. This article was translated to English using an AI tool.
FashionUnited uses AI language tools to speed up translating (news) articles and proofread the translations to improve the end result. This saves our human journalists time they can spend doing research and writing original articles. Articles translated with the help of AI are checked and edited by a human desk editor prior to going online. If you have questions or comments about this process email us at info@fashionunited.com
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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
If the US president threatens to take away freedoms, are we no longer free?
Threats of retribution from Donald Trump are hardly a novelty, but even by his standards, the US president's warnings of wrathful vengeance in recent days have represented a dramatic escalation. In the past week, Trump has threatened deportation, loss of US citizenship or arrest against, respectively, the world's richest person, the prospective future mayor of New York and Joe Biden's former homeland security secretary. The head-spinning catalogue of warnings may have been aimed at distracting from the increasing unpopularity, according to opinion surveys, of Trump's agenda, some analysts say. But they also served as further alarm bells for the state of US democracy five-and-a-half months into a presidency that has seen a relentless assault on constitutional norms, institutions and freedom of speech. On Tuesday, Trump turned his sights on none other than Elon Musk, the tech billionaire who, before a recent spectacular fallout, had been his closest ally in ramming through a radical agenda of upending and remaking the US government. But when the Tesla and SpaceX founder vowed to form a new party if Congress passed Trump's signature 'one big beautiful bill' into law, Trump swung into the retribution mode that is now familiar to his Democratic opponents. 'Without subsidies, Elon would probably have to close up shop and head back home to South Africa,' Trump posted on his Truth Social platform, menacing both the billions of dollars in federal subsidies received by Musk's companies, and – it seemed – his US citizenship, which the entrepreneur received in 2002 but which supporters like Steve Bannon have questioned. 'No more Rocket launches, Satellites, or Electric Car Production, and our Country would save a FORTUNE.' Trump twisted the knife further the following morning talking to reporters before boarding a flight to Florida. 'We might have to put Doge on Elon,' he said, referring to the unofficial 'department of government efficiency' that has gutted several government agencies and which Musk spearheaded before stepping back from his ad hoc role in late May. 'Doge is the monster that might have to go back and eat Elon. Wouldn't that be terrible.' Musk's many critics may have found sympathy hard to come by given his earlier job-slashing endeavors on Trump's behalf and the $275m he spent last year in helping to elect him. But the wider political implications are worrying, say US democracy campaigners. 'Trump is making clear that if he can do that to the world's richest man, he could certainly do it to you,' said Ian Bassin, co-founder and executive director of Protect Democracy. 'It's important, if we believe in the rule of law, that we believe in it whether it is being weaponized against someone that we have sympathy for or someone that we have lost sympathy for.' Musk was not the only target of Trump's capricious vengeance. He also threatened to investigate the US citizenship of Zohran Mamdani, the Democrats' prospective candidate for mayor of New York who triumphed in a multicandidate primary election, and publicly called on officials to explore the possibility of arresting Alejandro Mayorkas, the former head of homeland security in the Biden administration. Both scenarios were raised during a highly stage-managed visit to 'Alligator Alcatraz', a forbidding new facility built to house undocumented people rounded up as part of Trump's flagship mass-deportation policy. After gleefully conjuring images of imprisoned immigrants being forced to flee from alligators and snakes presumed to reside in the neighbouring marshlands, Trump seized on obliging questions from friendly journalists working for rightwing fringe outlets that have been accredited by the administration for White House news events, often at the expense of established media. 'Why hasn't he been arrested yet?' asked Julio Rosas from Blaze Media, referring to Mayorkas, who was widely vilified – and subsequently impeached – by Republicans who blamed him for a record number of immigrant crossings at the southern US border. 'Was he given a pardon, Mayorkas?' Trump replied. On being told no, he continued: 'I'll take a look at that one because what he did is beyond incompetence … Somebody told Mayorkas to do that and he followed orders, but that doesn't necessarily hold him harmless.' Asked by Benny Johnson, a rightwing social media influencer, for his message to 'communist' Mamdani – a self-proclaimed democratic socialist – over his pledge not to cooperate with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) roundups of undocumented people if he is elected mayor, Trump said: 'Then we will have to arrest him. We don't need a communist in this country. I'm going to be watching over him very carefully on behalf of the nation.' He also falsely suggested that Mamdani, 33 – who became a naturalized US citizen in 2018 after emigrating from Uganda with his ethnic Indian parents when he was a child – was in the country 'illegally', an assertion stemming from a demand by a Republican representative for a justice department investigation into his citizenship application. The representative, Andy Ogles of Tennessee, alleged that Mamdani, who has vocally campaigned for Palestinian rights, gained it through 'willful misrepresentation or concealment of material support for terrorism'. The threat to Mamdani echoed a threat Trump's border 'czar' Tom Homan made to arrest Gavin Newsom, the California governor, last month amid a row over Trump's deployment of national guard forces in Los Angeles to confront demonstrators protesting against Ice's arrests of immigrants. Omar Noureldin, senior vice-president with Common Cause, a pro-democracy watchdog, said the animus against Mamdani, who is Muslim, was partly fueled by Islamophobia and racism. 'Part of the rhetoric we've heard around Mamdani, whether from the president or other political leaders, goes toward his religion, his national origin, race, ethnicity,' he said. 'Mamdani has called himself a democratic socialist. There are others, including Bernie Sanders, who call themselves that, but folks aren't questioning whether or not Bernie Sanders should be a citizen.' Retribution promised to be a theme of Trump's second presidency even before he returned to the Oval Office in January. On the campaign trail last year, he branded some political opponents – including Adam Schiff, a California Democrat, and Nancy Pelosi, the former speaker of the House of Representatives – as 'the enemy within'. Since his inauguration in January, he has made petty acts of revenge against both Democrats and Republicans who have crossed him. Biden; Kamala Harris, the former vice-president and last year's defeated Democratic presidential nominee; and Hillary Clinton, Trump's 2016 opponent, have all had their security clearances revoked. Secret Service protection details have been removed from Mike Pompeo and John Bolton, who served in Trump's first administration, despite both being the subject of death threats from Iran because of the 2020 assassination of Qassem Suleimani, a senior Revolutionary Guards commander. Similar fates have befallen Anthony Fauci, the infectious diseases specialist who angered Trump over his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, as well as Biden's adult children, Hunter and Ashley. Trump has also targeted law firms whose lawyers previously acted against him, prompting some to strike deals that will see them perform pro bono services for the administration. For now, widely anticipated acts of retribution against figures like Gen Mark Milley, the former chair of the joint chiefs of staff of the armed forces – whom Trump previously suggested deserved to be executed for 'treason' and who expressed fears of being recalled to active duty and then court-martialed – have not materialised. 'I [and] people in my world expected that Trump would come up with investigations of any number of people, whether they were involved in the Russia investigation way back when, or the election investigation, or the January 6 insurrection, but by and large he hasn't done that,' said one veteran Washington insider, who requested anonymity, citing his proximity to people previously identified as potential Trump targets. 'There are all kinds of lists floating around … with names of people that might be under investigation, but you'll never know you're under investigation until police turn up on your doorstep – and these people are just getting on with their lives.' Yet pro-democracy campaigners say Trump's latest threats should be taken seriously – especially after several recent detentions of several elected Democratic officials at protests near immigration jails or courts. In the most notorious episode, Alex Padilla, a senator from California, was forced to the floor and handcuffed after trying to question Kristi Noem, the homeland security secretary, at a press conference. 'When the president of the United States, the most powerful person in the world, threatens to arrest you, that's as serious as it gets,' said Bassin, a former White House counsel in Barack Obama's administration. 'Whether the DoJ [Department of Justice] opens an investigation or seeks an indictment, either tomorrow, next year or never is beside the point. The threat itself is the attack on our freedoms, because it's designed to make us all fear that if any one of us opposes or even just criticises the president, we risk being prosecuted.' While some doubt the legal basis of Trump's threats to Musk, Mayorkas and Mamdani, Noureldin cautioned that they should be taken literally. 'Trump is verbose and grandiose, but I think he also backs up his promises with action,' he said. 'When the president of the United States says something, we have to take it as serious and literal. I wouldn't be surprised if at the justice department, there is a group of folks who are trying to figure out a way to [open prosecutions].' But the bigger danger was to the time-honored American notion of freedom, Bassin warned. 'One definition of freedom is that you are able to speak your mind, associate with who you want, lead the life that you choose to lead, and that so long as you conduct yourself in accordance with the law, the government will not retaliate against you or punish you for doing those things,' he said. 'When the president of the United States makes clear that actually that is not the case, that if you say things he doesn't like, you will be singled out, and the full force of the state could be brought down on your head, then you're no longer free. 'And if he's making clear that that's true for people who have the resources of Elon Musk or the political capital of a Mayorkas or a Mamdani, imagine what it means for people who lack those positions or resources.'


Spectator
2 hours ago
- Spectator
History does not favour Musk's new America party
The world's richest man, Elon Musk, has announced that he intends to create a new third party in the US called the America party. After his own poll on X showed that two out of three favoured the venture, the outspoken billionaire has now put his money where his mouth is and taken the plunge to found and finance his new party. Although the 54-year-old owner of X, Tesla, SpaceX and other hi-tech enterprises has been a US citizen since 2002, because he was born in South Africa he cannot run for president himself. But he says he will fund the new party after spectacularly falling out with President Trump in May following Musk's short stint as Trump's Doge tsar with a brief to cut government waste, largely by sacking federal employees. Musk hates Trump's recently passed 'big, beautiful bill' to cut taxes and spending, saying it will ruin business. And so the billionaire, with an ego almost as big as his wallet, now believes that Americans frustrated with both the Democrats and Trump's Republicans are ready to support an entirely new party. History, however, does not favour his plan. There have been many third party launches since the Democrat versus Republican duopoly emerged in the 1850s just before the American civil war, but all have failed. The Republicans themselves were born then, originally as a progressive anti-slavery movement. They challenged the Democrats, then an agricultural party strong in the south, and after the north won the civil war, the Republican 'Grand Old Party' ( GOP) dominated both the presidency and wider US politics until the 20th century. A feud between conservative and liberal Republicans saw former Republican President Teddy Roosevelt launch his Progressive or 'Bull Moose' party in 1912, which split the Republican vote and handed the presidency to Democrat Woodrow Wilson. On the other side of the aisle, increasing industrialisation and class conflict between the world wars led to socialist Norman Thomas running for the White House six times – and failing every time. Instead, left-wing urban voters and ethnic minorities backed the statist high spending New Deal policies of Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt – and sent him to the White House an unprecedented four times. By then, the Republicans had evolved into a right-wing party backing big business and free enterprise. An attempt by radicals to launch a left-wing Progressive party after the second world war failed, as did right-wing efforts to form an Independent party led by the racist southern Governor George Wallace in the 1960s. Like Norman Thomas, left-wing ecologist Ralph Nader repeatedly ran for the presidency on a 'Green' ticket – and just as often failed. In the 1990s businessman Ross Perot tried to break the two-party system with a right-wing Libertarian party, but failed yet again. Trump did break the mould in 2016 when he captured the GOP with his own unique brand of patriotic nationalist rhetoric, but he was still working from within the two-party system. Partly in reaction to Trumpism, the Democrats have now moved sharply to the left. The party is predominantly woke and identifies with sexual and racial minorities (who don't always return the favour). It also is mainly internationalist and anti-Israeli. Musk is hoping that with his own brand of radical right-wing politics, he will achieve the same kind of breakthrough that Trump managed, aided by his own command of social media, his large public profile and his almost limitless wealth. There is, though, precious little evidence that the attention-seeking tycoon commands the same levels of uncritical personal popularity and mass support that Trump can count on with his MAGA base, and history offers him little encouragement either.


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