PM Modi served food on Sohari leaf during dinner hosted by Trinidad and Tobago counterpart
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India.com
12 minutes ago
- India.com
PM Modi, HM Shah Meet President Murmu At Rashtrapati Bhavan
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah on Sunday separately called on President Droupadi Murmu at the Rashtrapati Bhavan here. The meetings came just a day before the ongoing Monsoon Session of the Parliament resumes on Monday. Taking to X, the Rashtrapati Bhavan posted: "Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi called on President Droupadi Murmu at Rashtrapati Bhavan." It shared pictures of PM Modi and President Murmu. Another post read: "Union Minister for Home Affairs and Cooperation, Shri Amit Shah called on President Droupadi Murmu at Rashtrapati Bhavan." Details related to either of the meetings were not immediately available. The meetings came against the backdrop of heated exchanges witnessed in the Parliament over the Special Intensive Revision process in Bihar ahead of the Assembly elections in the eastern state. PM Modi met President Murmu just a day after he said that the welfare of farmers, small industries, and youth remains the government's 'top priority' as the country stays on track to become the world's third-largest economy, even as US President Donald Trump announced that 25 per cent tariffs would be imposed on India from August 7. PM Modi reaffirmed the resilience of the Indian economy amid turbulence triggered by US tariff hikes, saying that the country must remain vigilant about its economic interests and adopt 'swadeshi' products. 'There is an atmosphere of global instability. All countries are focusing on their individual interests. India is going to become the third biggest economy in the world, and this is why India will have to stay alert as far as its economic interests are concerned,' the Prime Minister said during a rally in Varanasi on Saturday. Earlier this week, Trump announced 25 per cent reciprocal tariffs on Indian goods. He said India would also face an additional tariff penalty for buying Russian oil. The Parliament has seen little business since the Monsoon Session commenced on July 21.
Hindustan Times
12 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Misunderstanding India's advocacy for multipolarity
A growing number of liberal American geopolitical analysts and Donald Trump, whom they despise, have a few things in common — they are opposed to India's relationship with Russia, its association with Brics, and advocacy for multipolarity. Trump's criticism of India is sharp and direct, of course. The Trump presidency will end in another three-and-a-half years, but this rare consensus in Washington DC, on India's search for multipolarity will remain. This is something, therefore, Indian strategic thinkers must reflect on. Put differently, with or without Trump around, India's advocacy for multipolarity will continue to haunt New Delhi, particularly given the structural transformations underway in the international system today. India's foreign policy is not about indecision. It is a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. (AFP) Let's begin by unpacking some important aspects of multipolarity, given its many layers of complexity and ambiguity. First, notwithstanding the general perception about the virtues of multipolarity, it is becoming somewhat clear that a multipolar world is not as pretty as we had imagined it to be. Even the imperfect multipolarity that we have today — with poles of various sizes and influence competing for power — seems messy, incoherent, confusing and hard to navigate. If this is what a system that is not even really multipolar looks like, what will a true multipolar system look like? Second, notwithstanding the messy nature of the quasi-multipolar order today, New Delhi remains committed to a multipolar world. The desire for multipolarity is deeply entrenched in India's tradition of non-alignment, which is one of the first principles of Indian foreign policy. When faced with a difficult choice, the first strategic instinct of political New Delhi is to be non-aligned, neutral, and multi-aligned. Mostly in that order. I would not view that as strategic escapism. It is very much part of the DNA of Indian foreign policy. It would also be wrong to mistake non-alignment (or a variation thereof) as not valuing friendships, loyalty or solidarity: In fact, India's foreign policy history is rich with examples of friendships, loyalty and solidarity. In that sense, India's foreign policy is not about indecision; it's a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. This is where the country's fascination with a multipolar world becomes crucial, for there is no genuine autonomy, balance and agency in world affairs without true multipolarity. Third, India's complaints about American unipolarity are on a steady decline, even as the rhetoric remains. It would be a mistake, however, to view New Delhi's rhetoric against unipolarity as merely, or primarily, directed against the US because today, New Delhi is less anxious about America's global unipolarity than a potential Chinese unipolarity in Asia. While America's declining global unipolarity is mostly a theoretical concern for New Delhi, the prospect of a China-led unipolar Asia is the true source of anxiety. In that sense, New Delhi's desire for multipolarity is also an attempt at ensuring the absence of a unipolar (China-dominated) Asia. Therefore, even if New Delhi is more focused on countering Chinese unipolarity in Asia rather than US unipolarity globally, opposing regional unipolarity without opposing global unipolarity will ring hollow. There are two reasons why New Delhi would be concerned about China's unipolarity in Asia. One, this could mean that China might set the rules of geopolitical engagement in Asia. Once much of Asia falls under China's influence, it will be harder for New Delhi to push back Chinese hegemony. Two, a rise of Chinese unipolarity in Asia might prompt the US to think of accommodating China in a G2 format, especially if the American nativist and isolationist tendencies persist. In an ideal world, New Delhi's articulations must make a clear distinction between American unipolarity and Chinese attempts at unipolarity in Asia, but doing so is not easy for a variety of reasons, including that New Delhi continues to resist aspects of American unipolarity and is not yet willing to acknowledge the possibility of Chinese unipolarity in Asia. But New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony, without openly resisting the growing Chinese regional hegemony or a potentially unipolar Asia, could have unintended consequences. Some US administrations, especially the current one, might interpret India's rhetoric against American unipolarity as personal rather than an academic exercise, for the most part. This could prompt an unhappy Washington to undercut India's geopolitical standing in the region, thereby indirectly aiding China's attempts at regional hegemony. This creates a paradox: India aims to counter Chinese unipolarity in Asia by promoting global multipolarity, which annoys the US, prompting it to marginalise India in the region, thereby ultimately aiding Beijing's efforts to establish hegemony in Asia. New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony could also prompt the US, which is losing influence in various parts of the world, to seek ways of strengthening its influence in spaces where it can — this could lead to accepting Chinese unipolarity in Asia. More so, if the US reacts negatively towards India, as it is doing now, it could create a fertile ground for China and Russia to fan the Indian rhetoric against the US, encourage India to proactively participate in forums and arrangements aimed at undermining US unipolarity, and generate confusion within India's strategic community about the true motives behind India's multipolarity rhetoric. All of this will further drive the geopolitical wedge between New Delhi and Washington DC. There is no easy way out. New Delhi will need to have a lot more conversations and build trust with the US. That is not easy when a president like Trump occupies the White House. Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research and the editor of INDIA'S WORLD magazine. The views expressed are personal.
Economic Times
12 minutes ago
- Economic Times
Hardeep Singh Puri & Fadnavis counter Rahul Gandhi's ‘dead economy' claim with IMF data
Union Minister Hardeep Puri and Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on Sunday said the India's economy is "strong, steady, resilient" and its growth story continues. These statements come after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi in a X post on Thursday echoed US President Donald Trump's view that the Indian economy was "dead", and targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Maharashtra Chief Minister attached the latest IMF World Economic Outlook report, wherein it projected India's growth in 2025 and 2026 at 6.4 per cent -- the highest among the fastest major IMF report pegged the US's growth at 1.9 per cent and 2.0 per cent, respectively. For China, the rates were pegged at 4.8 per cent and 4.2 per cent, respectively. — HardeepSPuri (@HardeepSPuri) Fadnavis attributed this projected economic growth to the "visionary leadership" of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. "Under the visionary leadership of Hon PM Narendra Modi Ji, India continues its steady and resilient economic growth, earning global recognition among emerging market and developing economies," he wrote on X. "These projections place India among the top emerging market and developing economies with consistent performance over the years," he added, referring to the latest IMF projections. "This is the result of focused governance, structural reforms and unwavering commitment to a Viksit Bharat." On similar lines, attaching the same IMF report, Union Minister Hardeep Puri also lauded the country's growth journey. "India is at the forefront of the global economy! Despite uncertainties prevailing worldwide, India will remain the fastest-growing economy. These figures are a strong response to those who lack faith in India's capabilities. This pace indicates that India will soon further strengthen its position among the world's leading economic powers," Minister Puri wrote on X, in Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had also earlier this week shared the same IMF report to affirm that India's economy was set to "grow as a robust economy and is poised to be the fastest growing emerging market in 2025 and 2026 as well."In September 2022, India had surpassed the UK to become the fifth-largest economy in the has made quite a turnaround, climbing the ladder of economic growth. This can be gauged from the fact that it was ranked 11th in 2013-14, and India has now positioned itself to become the fourth-largest economy 2013, India was placed in the league of 'Fragile 5' economies. The term 'Fragile 5' was coined by a Morgan Stanley analyst and refers to a set of five emerging countries, including India, whose economies were not doing well. The other four countries were Brazil, Indonesia, South Africa, and realise the vision of 'Viksit Bharat' or a developed nation dream by 2047, India will need to achieve a growth rate of around 8 per cent at constant prices, on average, for about a decade or two, the Economic Survey document for 2024-25 tabled on January 31 expected lines, the Indian economy grew by 6.5 per cent in real terms in the recently concluded financial year 2024-25. In 2023-24, India's GDP grew by an impressive 9.2 per cent, continuing to be the fastest-growing major to official data, the economy grew 8.7 per cent and 7.2 per cent, respectively, in 2021-22 and 2022-23. (With agency inputs)
