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The five considerable problems with the chancellor's U-turn on winter fuel payments

The five considerable problems with the chancellor's U-turn on winter fuel payments

Yahoo09-06-2025
There are considerable problems with the winter fuel payment U-turn, but perhaps the political argument in favour outweighs them all?
First, Rachel Reeves has executed without working out how to pay for it.
This, for an iron chancellor, is a wound that opponents won't let her forget. A summer of speculation about tax rises is not a summer anyone looks forward to.
Politics latest:
Second, the fig leaf that she and Treasury ministers are using is an improvement in economic conditions.
If you were being polite, you'd say this is contested.
The OBR halved growth this year and the OECD downgraded UK forecasts, albeit only by a little, last week.
The claim that interest rates are coming down ignores that their descent is slower because of government decisions of the last six months.
Third, the question immediately becomes, what next?
Why not personal independent payments (PIP) and the two-child benefit cap?
At this stage, it would feel like a climbdown if they did not back down over those.
But then, what will the markets - already policing this closely - make of it, and could they punish the government?
Fourth, this is aggravating divisions in the Parliamentary Labour Party: the soft left Compass group and ministers like Torsten Bell pushing bigger spending arguments.
Those MPs in Tory-facing seats who rely on arguments that Labour can be trusted with the public finances are worried.Fifth, this has created a firm division between No 10 (the PM) and No 11 (the Chancellor).
No 10 is now conscious that it does not have enough independent advice about the market reaction to economic policies and is seeking to correct.
Others, I am told, are just critical of the chancellor's U-turn - for she wobbled first.
Read more:
Given the litany of arguments against, why has it happened?
Because the hope is this maxi U-turn lances the boil, removes a significant source of pensioners' anger and brings back Labour voters, a price they calculate worth paying, whatever the fiscal cost.
We wait to see who is right.
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But among minorities, something seismic shifts. Democrats have always done well with U.S. minorities who follow political news on the telly, and they still won 73 percent of them in 2024. But their support among those who didn't follow the election on TV plummeted to 46 percent, a perfect match for Republican support in that group, which just about doubled to 46 percent. And, for perhaps the first time, the share of Americans following the presidential election on TV began to fall in 2024. It dropped from 85 percent to 81 percent. We don't know what's replacing it, though we do know that the share who got political news on TikTok soared from 22 percent in 2020 to 33 percent in 2024 — and that TikTok is the only medium through which U.S. minorities were more likely to follow politics than were Whites. 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She pointed out that as culture wars consume politics, folks who are culturally conservative but economically liberal — including many working-class minorities and immigrants — might choose to vote based on cultural issues. Especially as their own algorithm-driven fragment of the media turns those leanings into outrage by amplifying moral- or emotional-based messages. 'Social media can subtly shape people's information diet because algorithms are attuned to what people are engaging with online,' Wilson said. 'So if someone's paying attention to content that leans a little more socially conservative, the algorithm will feed you more and more of that. And before you know it, you're in an informational ecosystem that's pretty different from what you'd see tuning into mainstream media.' Having studied how our fragmented media, social and otherwise, amplifies fringe beliefs and stokes antipathy toward political rivals, she agreed with our thesis — that changes in media helped bring ideological, educational and gender divides into groups that were once defined first by race or culture — but had one word of caution. 'It's not so much a shift towards conservatives in every case, but a shift away from liberals,' Wilson said, citing sociologist Musa al-Gharbi, author of 'We Have Never Been Woke.' 'Liberals have shifted their messages in ways that I think appeal more to upper-class and educated voters … potentially without being so aware of how that message may not appeal to voters of color who are not in those circles.' When we tracked down al-Gharbi, who says he actually reads our column(!), he seconded Wilson's points. 'The moves are more driven by alienation from the Democratic Party than genuine affinity with, say, Trump,' he told us. Hi! The Department of Data craves queries. What are you curious about? Is this an unusually bad time to be a white-collar worker? What's the best way to measure YouTube's or TikTok's gains against traditional television? How much of America's disused rail lines have been converted to trails already? Just ask! If your question appears in a column, we'll send you an official Department of Data button and ID card. This week, we owe one to data editor Dan Rosenheck at the Economist, whose post on X helped inspire this analysis. We also owe thanks to historian J.L. Granatstein, who helped us understand how U.S.-related tariffs helped decide the 1911 Canadian election.

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