Taste of Life: Encouraging fasting to protect religious traditions

Hindustan Times

4 days ago

Pune: In early twentieth-century Colonial India, a resurgence of religio-cultural self-awareness that endorsed traditions played a significant role in defining cultural identities. This self-awareness existed alongside the diversities based on caste, ethnicity, and region. The encounter with modernisation sharpened the expressions of cultural identity that differed from traditional religio-cultural conflicts. Movie halls like the Minerva Talkies and Prabhat were known to distribute dates to the fasting audience. Fasting on 'Ekadashi' was considered a tool to bridge the gaps and rifts between different castes and communities. (HT)
Keshav V Datye of Shukravar Peth, Pune, wrote a letter to the Marathi daily 'Dnyanaprakash' on July 29, 1940, that began with the criticism of the youth for indulging in frivolity by watching movies on the important festival of 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. But his bigger consternation was the consumption of 'soda-lemon', tea, and peanuts by a significant section of the audience before, during, and after the screenings, on the day they were supposed to stay away from food.
Datye worked at a printing press in Pune. He was also a founding member of an 'Ekadashi Sanghatana'. Members of such organisations fasted on every 'Ekadashi' and donated the money thus saved to funds established for the welfare of Indian political prisoners. Readers of this column would remember an article I wrote last year about these 'Ekadashi Sanghatanas', the fasts on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' and Muharram, and how they forged a bond between the two communities (Fasting brings people of faith together, July 18, 2024).
'Ekadashi', the eleventh day of the waxing and waning lunar cycles of the Hindu calendar, was a day of fasting for many Hindus. There were two 'Ekadashis', and hence, two fasting days each month. While most men and women fasted for a day, some women kept the 'Ekadashi' fast for three days. They lunched a day before 'Ekadashi' and broke the fast two days later after sunrise. Some chose to fast without water, while some ate only fruits.
'Ashadh Shuddha Ekadashi', also known as 'Devashayani Ekadashi', the eleventh lunar day of the bright fortnight of the Hindu month of 'Ashadh', was one of the most important of the 'Ekadashis'. Fasting was its essential aspect.
Since ancient times, fasting has been an expression of piety or penitence towards a deity. In Christianity, fasting was often viewed as a form of penance; while in Islam, it was more about praise and obedience. Fasting to achieve specific results from a deity highlighted a form of thinking where the act of fasting was believed to have direct effects on divine intervention.
The reasons given for fasting on an 'Ekadashi' were manifold and depended on which text one referred to. While one was supposed to not touch a single morsel of food on the day, the modern middle-class embraced new ingredients like the potato, sago, peanuts, and chillies and used them to create novel dishes which it decided could be consumed when one was fasting. The housewife, hence, proudly displayed her repertoire of fasting dishes on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'.
Women who ate only once during the entire month of 'Ashadh' were believed to be blessed with prosperity and children. The 'Vaman Purana', one of the eighteen major Puranas in Hinduism, advised donation of footwear, umbrellas, and gooseberry soaked in brine to Brahmins during the holy month. Some vegetable and fruit vendors specially stocked gooseberries during the month.
The pressures of modernisation in Colonial India tried to replace and reshape traditional cultures that exhibited resistance and adaptive qualities. The arrival of technology was a sign of emancipation, but it also created anxiety because of the constantly changing personal and social life. The lure of modernity, hence, was perceived as a threat to religious traditions. The anxiety created by Western education and modernity made a section of the Hindu middle class embrace religious rituals with a vigour.
The 1930s saw the popularity of the 'Satyanarayana Pooja' soar to new heights. Lord Satyanarayana was considered a form of Lord Vishnu, and hence the ritual was performed with great devotion in the month of 'Ashadh'. Since men had to work during the day, the pooja was organised in the evenings, followed by dinner for guests in some wealthy households.
'Ashadh Pournima', the full moon day of the month of 'Ashadh', was also celebrated as 'Guru Pournima' as a day to mark reverence to teachers. Many families observed a full-day fast on the occasion. The fast ended after the evening ritual of paying obeisance to the spiritual or religious guru of the family or the deity.
Some well-to-do families in Pune organised community feasts in Vishnu temples in the city. Many invited their guru, or a Brahmin for lunch. It was also a day when students bowed before their teachers in schools and colleges.
The Hindu unification project, initiated and led by the likes of Mahadevshastri Divekar in the early 1920s, called for the abolition of rituals that encouraged the segregation supported by the caste system. Fasting on 'Ekadashi' was considered a tool to bridge the gaps and rifts between different castes and communities, chiefly owing to the association with the pilgrimage to Pandharpur, where men and women belonging to different castes and communities participated. Those not fasting every 'Ekadashi' were not considered good Hindus. Following religious rituals was deemed necessary to preserve Hinduism in its 'pure' form.
As a result, groups like 'Tarun Maharashtra Mandal' organised bhajans and keertans for three days before the 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' in the so-called 'lower caste' localities. People belonging to these castes and communities were urged to fast and follow Hindu rituals.
Extra shows of movies and plays, apart from the regular shows at 6 pm and 10 pm, were organised at 3 pm on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. Movies like 'Sant Sakhu' and 'Sant Meerabai' were shown, and plays like 'Swargasundari' were staged. The trend probably started in the late 1920s. On the 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' in July 1930, Jagadish Film Company's 'Dwarakadhesh' was screened at Aryan Theatre. The 3 pm show was packed with a large crowd outside the movie hall shouting at the doorkeeper to let them in.
In the following years, movie halls in Pune made it a regular custom to organise extra shows on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. Movie halls like the Minerva Talkies and Prabhat were known to distribute dates to the fasting audience.
According to Datye, 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' was an occasion to cleanse mind and body, and those watching movies and drinking 'soda-lemon' were drifting away from the purpose, and hence, from their religion. The young men, on whom 'future of the country rested', were supposed to take pride in the glorious religious traditions of Hinduism; 'modern education' had corrupted the minds of men and women who were gratified by 'western indulgences', but the least they could do was fast on 'Ashadhi and Kartiki Ekadashis', he wrote.
Datye's letter in 'Dnyanaprakash' was a testament to the renewed enthusiasm surrounding Hindu festivals in twentieth-century Maharashtra that emphasised the importance of fasting and prayer as integral to the lifestyle of the community, and that these practices were deeply embedded in their religious identity.
It showed how the stress, emotions, and novelty associated with westernisation and modernity collided with challenges from the internal and external world that demanded self-control, orderliness, and homogeneity.
Chinmay Damle is a research scientist and food enthusiast. He writes here on Pune's food culture. He can be contacted at [e-mail]