
Inside the conclave: the politics of choosing a new pope
The conclave itself is still at least two weeks away, but discussions have already started, with 135 cardinals from around the globe asked to be in the Vatican by 9am on April 22, less than 26 hours after Pope Francis drew his final breath.
Cardinal Vincent Nichols was packing his bags and heading to the airport on Tuesday morning, with his fellow Englishman Timothy Radcliffe having travelled out the day before.
More than a hundred other cardinals who are aged over 80 and therefore too old to vote in the conclave — including the Englishman Michael Fitzgerald, who took an early flight on Tuesday — are also expected to descend on Rome to play their role in the conversations.
These are known as 'general congregations', where cardinals discuss the challenges facing the Catholic church as they prepare to elect the man they want to tackle them.
The film Conclave, starring Ralph Fiennes and John Lithgow, depicts a battle between conservatives and liberals, with each faction wanting to elect a candidate from their tribe, aware that the next pope will shape the Vatican's culture, attitude and direction for many years to come.
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The use of the terms 'right' and 'left' only came into use after the French Revolution in 1789. Asking if the next pope will be more 'right wing' than Francis is therefore the 'wrong question,' said Madoc Cairns, editor of Plough, a quarterly Christian magazine.
'Catholicism is nine times older than the left-right paradigm,' he said. 'There's no way to plot conclave politics on less than twenty different axes, several of which operate on non-physical planes and three of which are about being Italian.'
For those of us watching from outside, there is little way to know what is going on within the chapel's walls until we see smoke emerge from the chimney.
The words 'extra omnes', which translates to 'everyone out', are declared, and the voting cardinals are locked in. A single vote is taken on the first day. After this, two votes are taken each day in the morning and two more in the afternoon until one candidate has a two-thirds majority. It took a little over 24 hours to elect Francis, but it took five days in 1922.
After each vote, the ballots are burned, sending smoke up the chimney. If the smoke is black, no decision has been reached. When a new pope has been chosen, different chemicals, similar to those used in fireworks, are added to turn the smoke white and inform the outside world.
But how much lobbying goes on in quiet corners before the conclave begins and between the votes? Is there any horse-trading between factions in the lunch queue or over nightcaps in their sleeping quarters? How do those seen as frontrunners let it be known whether they would like the job?
Rules set out in a decree by Pope John Paul II state that there must be 'absolutely no violation of secrecy' about what goes on in and around the chapel, backed up by the threat of 'automatic excommunication', the worst punishment the church can mete out to a Catholic.
The voting cardinals are also told they will be excommunicated if they agree to 'any form of pact, agreement, promise or other commitment of any kind which could oblige them to give or deny their vote to a person'.
This may be seen to refer specifically to bribery or coercive behaviour, however, with John Paul II having noted: 'It is not my intention to forbid the exchange of views concerning the election.'
This gives cardinals leeway to undertake a certain amount of lobbying, said Brenden Thompson, chief executive of Catholic Voices, but they need to get most of this done before the conclave kicks off.
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'There is something beautiful and timeless about the way a conclave happens,' he said. 'If you're not predisposed to like Catholicism, it looks very secretive, like there's something very dodgy here. But they are trying to … choose somebody who is going to be a spiritual leader to a third of the world, so you want them to take that gravely and seriously'.
Most of the cardinals will never have met each other or taken part in a conclave, so will be undertaking their own crash-course on how the process works, Thompson said.
'They are human beings, so there's always going to be an inevitable amount of politics. They will have their own emphases and styles and [will know] whether they're looking for someone who is like Francis, a kind of continuity candidate, or want someone to be a contrast.
'Some may have their minds made up and know particular cardinals, but will be open to hearing [others].'
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Different issues will be important to different people, from gay and women's rights to the role of synods in shaping the church. 'A lot of those things will be flashpoints', Thompson said.
Some may be 'harbouring secret intentions' in wanting to be pope but will not want to be accused of careerism by openly lobbying for the role.
'It looks very poor form for someone to look like they are … clearly itching for the job,' Thompson said. 'I think it happens in subtle ways, if someone lets it be known they have the credentials'.
Cut off from the outside world, the cardinals are staying together in Casa Santa Marta. 'When they're in the apartments, they can have informal conversations,' Thompson said, because they ultimately need to coalesce around one candidate.
'You have to be able to start asking other people: 'What do you think?' and have to shift and change votes,' he said.
Amid all the lobbying and the prayers, one thing remains true. The naming of a new Archbishop of Canterbury could take a full year from Justin Welby's announcement of his resignation, but the election of a new pope has a brutal efficiency to it.
Thompson said: 'What it is, is a really stubborn attempt at saying: 'We're going to keep voting until someone comes out.''
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EVN Report
2 days ago
- EVN Report
Aliyev's Endgame: Holding Peace Hostage
The text of the peace treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan was agreed upon on March 13. However, despite calls and signals from different international partners, specifically from the White House, President Aliyev continues to refuse signing the agreement. He has openly raised the price of his signature, demanding not only additional concessions from Armenia but also specific actions from Washington and other partners interested in this 'peace treaty' and long-term regional stability. While Aliyev is clearly raising the stakes, recent developments reveal a deeply alarming reality: Aliyev appears to have no genuine intention of signing the treaty. His strategy suggests that he gains most from extending the process and introducing new demands. Several key indicators suggest Aliyev is not committed to finalizing a peace deal, recognizing Armenia's sovereignty and territorial integrity, or establishing normalized relations and lasting peace between the two nations and the broader region. Azerbaijan's Institutionalization of the 'Western Azerbaijan' Expansionist Agenda Baku is deliberately institutionalizing the expansionist concept of 'Western Azerbaijan,' a narrative that Ilham Aliyev began promoting in December 2022—just two months after the Armenian Prime Minister recognized Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan. At the time, Aliyev declared , 'Armenia was never present in this region before. Present-day Armenia is our land.' An examination of Azerbaijani textbooks and educational curricula, revised after the 2020 war against Nagorno-Karabakh, reveals Azerbaijan's entrenchment of an expansionist narrative, claiming the Republic of Armenia is historically 'Western Azerbaijan.' This once-fringe propaganda has gained momentum, particularly following the expulsion of more than 100,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. Now actively taught in schools, Azerbaijani history textbooks portray Armenian territories as historically Azerbaijani, attempting to erase Armenia's history and its rich Christian heritage. Children's literature and fairy tales, such as 'Irevan for Children', depict cities like Yerevan as ancient Azerbaijani homelands, embedding this revisionist ideology from an early age. This campaign extends beyond the classroom to higher education and state institutions. In 2023, Baku State University established a 'Center for Western Azerbaijan Studies' to legitimize this narrative. Politically, this strategy serves multiple purposes: it provides a pretext to stall peace negotiations under the guise of 'peaceful return' initiatives, fosters national unity amid potential leadership changes, and subtly lays the groundwork for broader territorial ambitions. The institutionalization of this expansionist myth signals that without proactive resistance from Armenia and the international community—through diplomatic, legal and educational means—these expansionist claims could become normalized and pose serious threats to Armenia's sovereignty. Criminalizing Peace: Reconciliation Framed as Treason in Azerbaijan Recently, Bahruz Samadov , a prominent peace advocate, was sentenced to 15 years in prison on charges of treason and alleged ties with Armenians. 'Aliyev has openly admitted why Bahruz is being punished: because he 'mingled' with Armenians. Because he refused to hate. Because he dared to love peace in a country where peace has become a crime,' wrote Azerbaijani historian Altay Goyushov on his X page. Goyushov, a vocal critic of President Aliyev, currently lives abroad. After the verdict, Samadov gave an interview to journalist Ulviyya Ali , who was arrested in the 'Meydan TV case' and is currently held at the medical facility of the Baku Pretrial Detention Center. During the interview, Samadov called his harsh sentence contradictory to the ongoing peace talks: 'From the beginning, I said this charge contradicts the state's own interests. Charging an academic with treason and subjecting him to torture damages the country's reputation and undermines the so-called peace agenda.' When addressing accusations of being 'pro-Armenian,' Samadov clarified that his writings actually focused on the traumas of Azerbaijani society caused by war. 'To those accusing me of being 'pro-Armenian,' I suggest they actually read my articles. I've written openly about the traumas suffered by the Azerbaijani people,' he said. Samadov expressed hopes of surviving prison but said he would never forget the trauma or the punishment he received for advocating peace: 'I hope I'll get out alive, but I'll never forget the trauma, the way the state treated me like a terrorist, or that I was punished for my peaceful stance.' Bahruz is not the only alleged Armenian 'spy.' Research published by Cambridge University Press this April confirmed that anti-war narratives—those that contested the war and rejected hatred toward Armenians—came from only a minority of individuals and political activists. These anti-war voices faced severe societal backlash, often being stigmatized as 'traitors to the homeland,' 'Armenian-lovers,' or simply 'Armenians.' This deliberate silencing of dissent and suppression of peace discourse carries serious implications for regional stability. By eliminating space for critical voices, Azerbaijan constrains public imagination and reinforces a rigid nationalist identity built on a dangerous expansionist narrative that resists diplomatic engagement. This environment severely undermines the potential for meaningful dialogue and sustainable peace. Azerbaijan's state policy of suppressing peace efforts and upholding a post-2020 ban on normalizing relations with Armenia further erodes prospects for reconciliation. This reflects Aliyev's apparent unwillingness to foster a peaceful environment. While some observers may have once considered this stance 'understandable before 2020,' it has become increasingly difficult to justify its continuation after the war in Artsakh and the forced displacement of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians—particularly given the lack of serious political or legal consequences for Aliyev. Staged Trials Weaponized to Vilify Armenians Azerbaijan's ongoing sham trials against Armenians serve to dehumanize and vilify them. Aliyev has repeatedly referred to Armenians with dehumanizing terms such as 'rabbits,' 'bloodthirsty enemies,' and 'vandals'––rhetoric that fuels hatred and reinforces a hostile image. These trials serve a broader purpose: they help Aliyev rewrite history by portraying Armenia as the aggressor while diverting attention from Azerbaijan's documented abuses, including the forced displacement of Armenians and systematic destruction of Armenian cultural heritage in the region. Until recently, the death penalty remained a possibility for these defendants. Khayal Bashirov, head of the Center for Political and Legal Studies, acknowledged this potential outcome. He described the legal proceedings against those accused of committing the offense of 'grave crimes against the people and state of Azerbaijan' as the 'Baku Process,' noting that defendants face charges under more than 20 articles of the Criminal Code, many carrying potential life sentences: '…since 1998, the death penalty has been removed from Azerbaijan's Criminal Code as the most severe form of punishment. However, it is still not entirely excluded under the Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan. This means that, in the future, the death penalty could potentially be reinstated in the Criminal Code.' A further indication emerged on June 24 at the inauguration ceremony of the 'November 8' Power Plant in Mingachevir. During this event, Aliyev once again attacked Armenia in his speech, labelling it a 'war criminal state.' This accusation merits scrutiny: if Azerbaijan possessed compelling evidence of anti-Azerbaijani propaganda by Armenian state leaders or proof supporting its 'war criminal state' claim, it would not be pressing Armenia to withdraw all cases from international courts. Both countries have filed parallel cases at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), each alleging violations of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) related to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Armenia accuses Azerbaijan of ethnic cleansing of Armenians, while Azerbaijan accuses Armenia of committing similar acts against Azerbaijanis—both cases remain under ICJ review. The ICJ offers Azerbaijan an ideal venue to present its narrative to the world, yet it shows no interest in doing so. The blatant hatred and predetermined verdicts against Armenians held hostage in Baku expose Azerbaijan's lack of genuine commitment to peace. These trials serve not as instruments of justice but as tools to incite hatred and aggression within Azerbaijani society. At the same time, they deepen anger and skepticism among Armenians, eroding trust in their government's peace initiatives—particularly in the aftermath of the forced displacement and ethnic cleansing of Artsakh's Armenian population. Azerbaijan Escalates Threats After Finalization of Peace Treaty Text On March 13, the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that the draft 'Agreement on Peace and Establishment of Interstate Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan' had been finalized with negotiations concluded. The ministry said the peace agreement was ready for signing after Armenia accepted Azerbaijan's proposals on the two remaining articles. These articles reportedly included Baku's demands to withdraw international lawsuits and prohibit third-party monitors or troops along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Following the agreement's finalization, Azerbaijan intensified its disinformation campaign. While this campaign was active before the March 13 announcement—mostly through media outlets affiliated with the Azerbaijani government—it gained momentum when Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defense (MoD) became directly involved. The MoD has since issued numerous false and baseless press releases alleging that Armenian forces have been firing across the border from various locations. Between March 16 and the end of April 2025, Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defense released 26 reports—16 [1] in March and 10 in April.[2] Previously, only three such statements had been issued in 2025 — twice on January 6 [3] and once on March 5 . All these releases are available on Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defense website. The Armenian Ministry of Defense refuted all these press releases, stating they did not reflect reality. The Armenian MoD, in line with the Prime Minister's Office, has repeatedly offered to investigate any evidence of Azerbaijani claims. Azerbaijan has not responded to these offers. Meanwhile, the Armenian side issued two statements—on March 31 and April 20 —with photographic evidence of Azerbaijani forces firing at residential buildings in Armenia's Syunik region. Intimidation tactics and threats became widespread, especially after the agreement on the peace treaty text and Armenia's official stance to sign it as soon as possible. However, when the Armenian Prime Minister and officials reduced their statements about signing the agreement, Azerbaijan's campaign abruptly stopped. In May, they issued only two such statements,[4] and since June, they have been completely silent on the matter. This pattern suggests that Azerbaijan does not want public pressure regarding the signature—even though Armenian has met all of their demands and agreed to the final text. Azerbaijani Forces Hold Major Drills After Peace Text Finalized According to official reports from the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defense, Azerbaijan conducted over 30 joint and individual military drills and exercises from January to June 2025—primarily with Turkey, Pakistan, Iran, Serbia and Kazakhstan. In January and February alone, Azerbaijan participated in two joint [5] and four individual [6] military exercises. After the 'peace treaty' text was agreed upon, 26 joint and individual military exercises were conducted during March, April, May, and June, either involving Azerbaijan or taking place on its territory. Between March and May, Azerbaijan participated in six international [7] joint military exercises and training events, including a joint exercise with Iran. During this same period, the Azerbaijani Armed Forces conducted 14 [8] individual (domestic) military exercises, including tactical exercises, reservist training, and live-fire drills. In June, Azerbaijan conducted three joint[9] and three individual[10] military exercises. From January to June—just half a year—Azerbaijan conducted a total of 30 joint and solo military exercises. This clearly demonstrates the country's significant emphasis on military power. It's particularly noteworthy that after the treaty text was agreed upon in mid-March, military drills increased rather than decreased. This pattern suggests that the policy of using force—or threatening to use force—remains firmly in place, raising serious questions about President Aliyev's commitment to peace.


Tatler Asia
08-05-2025
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Pope Francis dies at 88: How the first Latin American pontiff impacted the Catholic Church
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Moreover, Russian Orthodox Patriarch Kirill I and Pope Francis' meeting in February 2016 marked the first time for the leaders of the Roman Catholic and Russian Orthodox churches to be together. His other significant pastoral visits also include the Philippines in 2015, where he celebrated Mass with survivors of the 2013 typhoon Haiyan in Leyte, among other itineraries. Read more: Pope Francis makes a historic visit to Iraq, the cradle of the Abrahamic religions Public apologies to survivors of sexual abuse by the clergy and other radical efforts to change the Church Above The Pope: Answers trailer In July 2022, he made a 'penitential pilgrimage' to Canada, where he met with survivors of the country's religious-run residential schools, which had notorious records of physical and sexual abuses. He even joined a 2019 summit on paedophilia, sexual abuse, and homosexuality. Since then, Pope Francis has been known for expressing his wisdom towards these matters and has called for bringing the abusers to justice. In 2023, Hulu and Disney Plus released the documentary The Pope: Answers , where Pope Francis had an honest conversation with ten Spanish-speaking young people from various cultural and gender backgrounds to talk about pressing issues like feminism, the role of women in the Church, reproductive rights, loss of faith, the migration crisis, LGBTQIA+ rights, abuse within the Church, racism, and mental health. One of the most recent groundbreaking acts of Pope Francis was his formal approval of allowing Catholic priests to bless same-sex couples. Though not to be confused with the ritual of marriage, the said blessing sparked criticisms from various fronts. Read more: 10 Critical films that tackle crises on faith and the Catholic Church Pope's special Urbi et Orbi during the COVID-19 pandemic Photo 1 of 2 Pope Francis prays on the sagrato of St. Peter's Square to deliver a special Urbi et Orbi Blessing to the world, on March 27, 2020 in Vatican City, Vatican (Photo by Vatican Pool - Corbis/Getty Images) Photo 2 of 2 Pope Francis attends an extraordinary moment of prayer in time of pandemic, the adoration of the Blessed Sacrament and delivers an extraordinary 'Urbi Et Orbi' (to the City of Rome and to the World) Blessing in front of an empty Square from the sagrato of St. Peter's Basilica on March 27, 2020 in Vatican City, Vatican (Photo by) One of the most iconic photographs taken of Pope Francis was when he delivered an extraordinary blessing of Urbi et Orbi from the steps of St Peter's Basilica on March 27. Though the blessing was reserved for Christmas Day and Easter Sunday, the Supreme Pontiff delivered it while the rest of the world had shut its doors due to the wrath of the COVID-19 pandemic. Alone and rain-soaked in the usually jampacked St Peter's Square, he held high the Blessed Sacrament for adoration and imparted his Apostolic Blessing, offering everyone the opportunity to receive a plenary indulgence. Read more: The Catholic Church and social media during the Lenten season and COVID-19 pandemic Pope Francis requested that the funeral rites be simplified Above Pope Francis attends an audience with President of Iraq Barham Ahmed Salih at the Apostolic Palace on November 24, 2018 in Vatican City, Vatican (Photo by) Having lived a life well-lived, Pope Francis will always be remembered as the Pope who made the Catholic Church strip its pomp and grandeur to tread the 21st century with humility and genuine concern for others. In April 2024, he approved an updated edition of the liturgical book for papal funeral rites, re-focusing the Supreme Pontiff as a pastor and disciple of Christ and not as a globally powerful person. 'The second edition of the Ordo Exsequiarum Romani Pontificis introduces several new elements, including how the Pope's mortal remains are to be handled after death,' Devin Watkins of Vatican News reported. 'The ascertainment of death takes place in the chapel, rather than in the room where he died, and his body is immediately placed inside the coffin.' NOW READ Fast Facts: Cardinal Chito Tagle 500 years of Christianity in the Philippines: The influence of Catholicism on Philippine art Holy Week 2025: Here are 5 churches and sanctuaries that tell a story


Tatler Asia
08-05-2025
- Tatler Asia
Behind the locked doors: the ritual, history and drama of the papal conclave
Secrecy and ceremony Above Inside the Sistine Chapel (Photo: Vatican News) Before the conclave begins, the College of Cardinals holds general congregations to discuss the needs of the Church and potential candidates. On the day of the conclave, the cardinals process into the Sistine Chapel, where they take an oath of secrecy. All forms of communication with the outside world are cut off; even electronic devices are surrendered. The Vatican employs signal-jamming technology to ensure confidentiality. Voting commences with one ballot on the first afternoon, followed by four ballots each subsequent day—two in the morning and two in the afternoon. A two-thirds majority is required to elect a new pope. After each round, the ballots are burned: black smoke indicates no decision, while white smoke signals that a new pope has been chosen. Rituals and realities Above Black smoke signals no new pope chosen on the first day of conclave (Photo: Vatican News) In the wake of Pope Francis's death on April 21, 2025, the Church initiated the conclave process. On May 7, 133 cardinal electors—those under the age of 80—entered the Sistine Chapel to begin the election of the 267th pope. This assembly is the largest in history, reflecting the global nature of the Church, with cardinals hailing from 70 countries. The conclave commences with the ' Extra Omnes ' command, expelling all non-essential personnel from the chapel. Cardinals swear an oath of secrecy and surrender all communication devices. The Vatican employs signal jamming to prevent any information leaks. Voting begins with one session on the first day, followed by up to four ballots daily—two in the morning and two in the afternoon. A two-thirds majority, currently 89 votes, is required to elect a new pope. Ballots are burned after each session; black smoke indicates no decision, while white smoke signals a successful election. Since 2005, chemicals have been added to ensure the smoke's colour is unmistakable. From long deadlocks to quick decisions Above Some shots from two important rooms tied to the election of a new Pope (Photo: Vatican News) While modern conclaves often conclude within a few days, history records some protracted and contentious elections. The 1268–1271 conclave in Viterbo lasted nearly three years, prompting local authorities to lock the cardinals in and even reduce their food rations to expedite a decision. Such episodes led to the formalisation of conclave procedures to prevent undue delays. In contrast, recent conclaves have been more efficient. Pope Francis was elected in 2013 after just five ballots. However, the 2025 conclave presents new complexities. With a record number of electors, many of whom were appointed by Francis and may not be well-acquainted with one another, the process could be lengthier. Observers note that the diversity within the College of Cardinals may lead to extended deliberations as consensus is sought. Related: Meet the Filipino cardinals who will elect—and could become—the next pope Challenges and considerations Above Cardinals attend the late Pope Francis's funeral ceremony at St Peter's Square at the Vatican (Photo: Vatican News) The 2025 conclave presents unique challenges. Pope Francis's extensive appointments have diversified the College of Cardinals, introducing members who may be unfamiliar with one another. This diversity, while enriching, could prolong deliberations. Key issues facing the Church include governance reform, addressing sexual abuse scandals, international diplomacy and evolving doctrines on sexuality and inclusion. The new pope will need to navigate these complex matters while uniting a global congregation. When tradition meets technology Despite the conclave's strict confidentiality, the modern world finds ways to engage. Social media platforms like Tiktok have become arenas for speculation, satire and even fan-made content about potential papal candidates. Filipino Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, known affectionately as 'Chito', has garnered significant attention online, with admirers highlighting his charisma and progressive views. This digital engagement reflects a broader trend of blending ancient rituals with contemporary culture. A spiritual and global event The election of a new pope is not merely an internal Church affair; it has global implications. The pope serves as a spiritual leader to over a billion Catholics worldwide and holds considerable influence on international issues, from social justice to diplomacy. The conclave, therefore, is a moment of profound importance, symbolising both continuity and potential change within the Church. Moment of revelation Above Cardinals gathering at St Peter's Square (Photo: Vatican News) When a candidate accepts the papacy, he chooses a papal name, and the senior cardinal deacon announces ' Habemus Papam ' ('We have a pope') from the balcony of St Peter's Basilica. The new pope then appears to bless the faithful, marking the beginning of his pontificate. NOW READ Pope Francis dies at 88: How the first Latin American pontiff impacted the Catholic Church Meet the Filipino cardinals who will elect—and could become—the next pope Icons of faith: 5 Philippine churches housing sacred relics Credits This article was created with the assistance of AI tools