Big Financial Changes From August 1: THESE 6 Rules Will Change From Credit Card To UPI — Check Full List
- Bank balance checks limited to 50 times per day
- Linked account checks (via mobile number) capped at 25 per day
- AutoPay transactions allowed only in 3 fixed time slots
- Failed transaction status can be viewed only 3 times a day
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Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
5 stations on Kochi Metro Phase II line to be ready by June next year
Kochi: First five stations on the upcoming Phase II line of Kochi Metro will be ready by June 30 next year. Kochi Metro Rail Ltd (KMRL) managing director Loknath Behera said works on Phase II Pink Line connecting JLN Stadium with Kakkanad would be completed in two phases. Works on first five stations would be completed in the first phase and other five stations would be ready by Dec 2026. Behera said works on Phase II line are lagging by at least 100 days, mainly due to heavy rain and delay in shifting pipelines on the route. "We are confident that the contractor will complete the works as per target," he said, while addressing the media on Monday. Foundation stone for Phase II construction was laid in Sept 2022, and there are complaints that works are delayed mainly due to delay in approval by state govt for availing loan for Metro project. Earlier, KMRL announced that Phase II works would be completed by June 2026. Phase II line with 10 new stations is 11.2km. Stations are being built at Palarivattom Junction, Alinchuvadu, Chembumukku, Vazhakkala, Padamughal, Kakkanad Junction, Cochin SEZ, Chittethukara, Kinfra and Infopark. Behera also said that KMRL is taking many steps to avoid traffic congestion on Palarivattom–Kakkanad route during Metro construction works. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Beyond Text Generation: An AI Tool That Helps You Write Better Grammarly Install Now Undo KMRL launches UPI-based ticket vending system To provide a faster, more user-friendly ticketing experience, KMRL introduced UPI-based payments at ticket vending machines (TVMs) across all Metro stations. Transport commissioner Nagaraju C inaugurated the new system at a function held at JLN Stadium Metro station on Monday. With the integration of UPI at TVMs, Metro travellers can now purchase tickets instantly by scanning a QR code and making a payment using any UPI-enabled mobile application. The new system is expected to gradually eliminate physical cash or card transactions, reduce waiting time at counters and ensure a smooth, contactless and secure payment process. It is especially beneficial during peak hours, as it helps decongest ticket counters. "Only a few Metro services in the country have integrated UPI with vending machines. Kochi Metro is proud to be one among them," said Behera.
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Business Standard
5 hours ago
- Business Standard
Retail's tug of war: India needs smart policies for ecommerce, local retail
Retail is changing in character, and India is undoubtedly at the forefront of this development globally. It is quite evident that consumers in India have taken to ecommerce in a big way. My home, for instance, has shifted almost completely to ordering online — so much so that even the maid is doing so. And if stories are to be believed, tier-III and tier-IV cities, as well as rural India, are also seeing rapid growth in online ecommerce. No doubt, the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), Aadhaar and other components of India's digital public infrastructure have helped drive this growth. Easy access to good quality digital infrastructure has enabled startups and small and medium enterprises (SMEs) across India to jump on this bandwagon and build technical capacity. To me, what is most important is that a large range of products is now easily available for the mass market. Ragi biscuits, ghee made traditionally, palm jaggery, semal pillows, khus mats for the cooler, and scores of other niche products that would have been impossible to obtain across India can now be standard purchases. Our consumption behaviour is consequently changing rapidly, with far more variety than was the case only a few years back. And as the consumption variety increases, so are the opportunities for the scores of small entrepreneurs, collectives and even non-governmental organisations (NGOs) who supply these goods. A few centuries ago, it is said that there was little retail in rural India, barter and other forms of quid pro quo marked transactions in rural economic relationships. Even in urban India, customers typically approached known shopkeepers. The relationship was fairly intimate, with repeated interactions and credit being prevalent practices. Consequently, the retailer has historically also been an important creditor for Indian customers. The informal sector has also been brilliant in providing a menu of services that even the most sophisticated modern retail is unable to match. All of these practices have come about because — unappreciated by many — traditional retailers have innovated, for they are closest to the Indian customers and understand their needs quite well. The retailer in India traditionally provides a low-margin service, frequently provides credit, and may source merchandise for specific needs. There is a lot of resilience in such an operation. For instance, when cash disappeared during demonetisation, this same resilience came into play. The relationship of trust between the vegetable seller/retailer and the customer ensured the supply of food, while the relationship between wholesalers and vegetable vendors ensured that their flow of food did not stop. No payments were made, simply verbal IOUs, since that was the need of the hour. During Covid as well, when uninformed policemen would indiscriminately stop vendors, this same set of retailers ensured the flow of food to many underserved areas. Note that the lockdown rules allowed retail, but in the interiors of slums and inner cities, it was the small, and largely informal vendors who serviced customers. The point is not about human interest, though there is that element too, but that there are economic imperatives that keep this form of delivery functioning despite low margins and many difficulties. And so now we are faced with this unfortunate conflict — the large gig economy players providing a phenomenal range of goods at low prices versus the small retailer, not always but sometimes informal. There are some similarities between the two. Just as in traditional retail, we have those who may be mobile and those who are fixed to a place, so too does ecommerce provide such options. Just like traditional retail was always innovating (home delivery from the kirana store appeared in the last millennium), so is ecommerce, changing with quick commerce and 10-minute delivery being the latest offering. So then what is the difference? And why might this distinction be important? The biggest difference between the two classes is that traditional retail operates within the framework of a market, where there are many vendors and there are many people they may source from. Most importantly, historically, the barriers to entry have been limited for this segment. This ensured high levels of competition and low margins. It is argued by some that this form of retail could not innovate enough, as it never had adequate surpluses to enable innovation. The new e-commerce is, however, mostly an oligopoly. A few large players compete with one another and with the traditional retail industry, using large-scale operations and stronger bargaining power to ensure low-cost merchandise sourcing. Despite being around for some time now, most such ecommerce players are not profitable. Are these ecommerce losses part of a diabolical strategy to eliminate traditional retail and then raise prices later? If true, it would be good policy to either tax this form of retail higher or place regulatory or policy hurdles in its growth. If, on the other hand, that is not the case, then policy would need to study how best to ensure that the employment, innovation, and price outcomes of this new form of retail are promoted. Economics literature provides some insights. The first is related to the form of competition. It is difficult for firms to sustain high profits when they compete on prices. In the ecommerce space, service differentiation would need to be very high for ensuring sustained high profits. Second, profits can be high in the long run only when entry into that segment is difficult. Given that there are a multitude of both domestic and global players, that's already taken care of — unless the incumbent firms collude to divide up different customer or product segments among themselves. Third, if indeed the objective is to eliminate conventional retail, future entry of small retail players would have to be prevented. Given the dynamism of the small entrepreneur, how might that be ensured? On the face of it, the answers to each of the above three questions are self-evident. But another question needs to be introduced to this equation. How can policy ensure that traditional retail innovates and prospers? Note that traditional retail, whether of the kirana variety or in the informal sector, does create surpluses, serves customers, innovates and, of course, creates employment at a massive scale. Therefore, good retail policy would enable them to be more dynamic. Such policies would probably include a range of well-known solutions, including adequate space, easier credit, freedom from corrupt municipal inspectors and local policemen, and fewer regulations. But arguably the most important policy contribution would be to empower traditional retail and ecommerce to work with each other. For instance, what might enable conventional retail to access the lower-cost merchandise available to ecommerce firms? Similarly, what might enable ecommerce players to access the customer knowledge and networks of local retailers? If that were possible, then the benefit of long-term trusting relationships and customer knowledge of traditional retail can complement the scale economies and process-driven methods of ecommerce. We are already seeing such models being piloted. How can policy help in their rollout?
Time of India
5 hours ago
- Time of India
Tasmac shops delay digital payment on handheld devices
Chennai: Months after implementing end-to-end computerisation, Tasmac management has not asked its retail vending shops to accept digital payments on the handheld scanner devices. This allows salesmen to charge customers beyond the maximum retail price (MRP). A year ago, Tasmac began end-to-end computerisation of its entire operations. Sources confirm that all 4,787 shops in 38 districts are now covered under the scheme. Each shop has been provided with handheld devicesat least two for each shop and more for the busier one. The device has options to accept payment by cash, cards, and UPI . But since the devices scan only the MRP, salesmen don't use them and instead ask for cash or swipe cards on separate PoS machines, and collect 5 to 20 extra per bottle. Later they manually tally the sales on the server. You Can Also Check: Chennai AQI | Weather in Chennai | Bank Holidays in Chennai | Public Holidays in Chennai Tasmac recently issued a circular to all shops to increase their digital payments quotient to 40% of the overall sales. But some Tasmac supervisors say they did not receive any such instructions. Tasmac employee union general secretary D Dhanasekaran said the digital payment option has not been enabled on the handheld scanners yet. "These devices are slow. We end up staying back in shops till 11pm to submit the stock report. If we were to start accepting payments on the devices, it will delay us further. Tasmac must upgrade these devices before implementing digital cash acceptance," he said. Tasmac officials say they are integrating PoS machines with the handheld devices to curb MRP violations.
