New varsity to be NEP's key pillar: CM
Yogi Adityanath
on Saturday urged academic institutions to evolve into platforms for career guidance, life-building, and industry-oriented skill development. Inaugurating the campus of Chandigarh University in Unnao, Yogi said, "The university is a milestone in building a modern India and has given Unnao a new identity.
The new institution is set to become a hub for innovation and a key pillar of the NEP." Highlighting the govt's push for digital and technical empowerment of youth, growing public-private investment, Yogi said the new university aligns with India's AI mission and initiatives like Startup India, and will play a vital role in elevating Uttar Pradesh's presence on national and global platforms.
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Indian Express
26 minutes ago
- Indian Express
The language debate in Maharashtra and a soft sedition
A few weeks ago, a shopkeeper was allegedly attacked in Mumbai by Maharashtra Navnirman Sena workers for not speaking Marathi. Similar attacks have been reported across Maharashtra and other parts of India. In Bengaluru, destruction of Hindi-written signage is quite frequent, and in Tamil Nadu, anti-Hindi campaigns have a long history — they often resurface in response to perceived threats to Tamil. Even in Delhi, there is, at times, a subtle exclusion of those who speak with a southern accent or hail from the Northeast. Instances of regional prejudice feed into the trend of linguistic vigilantism that is increasingly spreading across the nation. These tendencies are not secessionist, but they undermine national integration and constitute a new type of 'soft sedition'. They represent a kind of regional hegemony that lives by cultural bullying, verbal violence and everyday discrimination. The underlying causes of this crisis resurfaced with the implementation of the New Education Policy (NEP) 2020, especially its three-language equation. NEP aims to develop multilingualism and enhance national integration, but its implementation requires students to be taught three languages, including at least two Indian languages. On paper, it allows states to choose these languages. However, in many parts of non-Hindi India, it was seen as a surreptitious advancement of Hindi and perceived as a threat to local languages. Politicians from all parties and regions play on people's fears. They have started muddying the waters again — overt threats against Hindi speakers and migrants from Northern regions are being justified as a counter to Hindi imposition. Even the national parties are hesitant to address this problem, for fear of alienating their state units. The crisis requires us to look again at the philosophical and constitutional basis of the republic. Article 1 of the Constitution says, 'India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States.' This choice of words reflects a conscious rejection of the idea that states are sovereign, cultural or political entities. Unlike a federation that unites countries through treaties, India is a civilisational polity where states derive their legitimacy from the Union. The 1956 linguistic reorganisation was intended to accommodate diversity through better administration. Language does create a strong sense of identity and belonging in India, but it needs to be framed as a common resource — not the right of any state. It is the means through which we connect, share ideas, and forge relationships. Our linguistic diversity should not be a reason for division, but a means by which we understand and are understood. The Constitution gives every Indian citizen freedom through Articles 14, 19 and 21. Every Indian has the right not only to speak their language but also to work and reside throughout the country. A Bihari living in Bengaluru or a Manipuri living in Mumbai is not an outsider; they are equal citizens of the nation. This is not just a cultural sensitivity issue, but a matter of constitutional morality, which Ambedkar invoked while warning against majoritarian tyranny. Any attempt by political or local actors to create linguistic conformity is a violation of the Constitution. Linguistic violence impacts internal migration, which is essential for India's economy, by making workers fear discrimination in unfamiliar states. Such chauvinism exacerbates mistrust between linguistic groups. This anxiety proliferates into educational contexts, job interviews and housing preferences, shrinking the ambit of what it means to be Indian. Cultural majoritarianism does not simply become political, as Ashis Nandy warned, but alters how people see themselves and their social location. This leads us to refer to the phrase, 'soft sedition'. The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023, has updated how we interpret threats to the nation. BNS's Section 152 acknowledges that threats to the nation-state do not always take the form of rebellion, insurrection, or armed revolt. Language-based exclusion, violence and campaigning carve out zones of exclusion. Such ideological subversion must, therefore, be addressed as a potential national security threat and seen as an assault on 'the unity and integrity of India'. Supporters of regional identities argue that linguistic pride is crucial to India's federal character. They are not wrong. India's strength has always been its ability to bind together many languages, cultures and traditions. But diversity should not be confused with division. Love for one's mother tongue does not condone hostility towards another. The executive must act quickly and decisively. Law enforcement agencies should be directed to identify, monitor, report and prosecute language-based hate crimes under the new BNS provisions. Political parties disseminating linguistic hatred must be held accountable under the law. As the final protector and guardian of the Constitution, the Supreme Court must also act. The Centre should consider launching a National Linguistic Harmony Mission, preferably in coordination with the Ministry of Home Affairs or the Ministry of Culture, to monitor interstate animosity, promote mutual respect and create outlets where citizens who speak different languages can interact. The Home Ministry should issue public advisories clarifying that verbal abuse and online troll attacks based on language will be considered a crime under the BNS. In the Republic of India, no one is a second-class citizen. India's strength has never come from forcing sameness, but from embracing difference. From Kalidasa and Rabindranath Tagore to Dharamvir Bharati and Premchand, our greatest voices came from different corners, yet spoke to the same soul. India does not need a lingua franca; it needs a lingua familia, where each language is celebrated without any hierarchy. This is not just a call to protect words or languages. It is a call to protect who we are as a people. If we fail to act now, we risk the very idea of India. Sharma is assistant professor, Aryabhatta College, University of Delhi, and Kumar is advocate, Delhi High Court
India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
Yogi Adityanath becomes Uttar Pradesh's longest‑serving Chief Minister
YogiAdityanath has become the longestserving Chief Minister in the history of Uttar Pradesh, surpassing GovindBallabhPant's record. He has completed 8 years and 132 days in office-exceeding Pant's cumulative tenure of 8 years and 127 days (including his preIndependence premiership). With this milestone, Yogi now holds the record for the state's longest continuous tenure as Chief Adityanath first assumed office on March 19, 2017, when he was sworn in as the 21st Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. He later secured a second consecutive term, becoming the first Chief Minister in Uttar Pradesh's electoral history to complete a full fiveyear term and then be firebrand BJP leader has been making headlines for his sharp statements against opposition leaders, and his effective governance and leadership in the past eight years. Born as Ajay Mohan Singh Bisht on June 5, 1972, Yogi Aditayanath became an MP at the age of 26 and represented Gorakhpur in the Lok Sabha for five terms. Here are more details about him on his 53rd birthday:- EndsTrending Reel IN THIS STORY#Yogi Adityanath#Uttar Pradesh
Time of India
3 hours ago
- Time of India
BDU counting on NAAC reforms for easier re-accreditation
Trichy: Almost 15 months after its accreditation by the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) expired, Bharathidasan University is yet to apply for re-accreditation, and is now placing its bets on the upcoming reforms by the council which is expected to cut short the laborious re-accreditation process. BDU's third accreditation cycle — through which it received an A+ in April 2019 — expired in Mar 2024. Thereafter, the university did not apply for the fourth cycle of accreditation, drawing flak from academicians who have warned that the university risks losing eligibility to run its distance education programmes. Ineligibility for special grants and central schemes are the other disadvantages. "The license for the distance education programmes expires in February and requires renewal from the Distance Education Bureau (DEB). Without NAAC accreditation, the university cannot apply for it, and it risks losing its financial backbone," said a university source. "We are in the final stages of filing the self study report (SSR). It's a laborious task involving a lot of work, and with our limited resources, manpower, and administrative hurdles, the university is still working to complete it. The new process being planned by NAAC is expected to support our case better," said a senior university official. Officials of NAAC, an autonomous body under the University Grants Commission (UGC), said that among the many upcoming reforms is the increased digitisation of the accreditation process, eliminating the need for field inspections as much as possible. "For Level-1 and Level-2 institutions, it will be made fully online. For Level-3 institutions, it will follow a hybrid model — online processing with field visits by the NAAC team," said Anil Sahasrabudhe, chairman of NAAC's executive council. Sources said the announcement could be made on July 29 by the Union ministry, coinciding with the fifth anniversary of National Education Policy (NEP). "Even recently, BDU did not feature in the ANRF Prime Minister's Professorship scheme for superannuated faculty or scientists. The reasons could be multiple — a few other universities in Tamil Nadu also didn't feature — but such omissions are likely to happen more often if there's no NAAC accreditation," said a senior retired professor. Academicians also criticised the university for relying on reforms that are yet to be officially announced.
