
London's graffiti-riddled corpse is a warning of our apocalyptic future
Flash forward to his experience now, which most people will find familiar. 'Every morning, I go to Lambeth North station to go to my office, and I see someone push past the barrier,' Reeves says. 'I tap in and follow them in, and then I share a lift with them down to the platform, this person that just stole from me and everybody else on the platform in front of me. They're playing music out loud on their phone. Everybody else is rolling their eyes, frustrated, but no one's doing anything, and the carriage is covered in graffiti.'
Personally, I do not think that spray-paint on public (or private) property can ever be called art.
But when vandalism is just hideous it's somehow easier to take than when it becomes murderously political, which is the turn it's taken since, you guessed it, October 7 2023.
With the license to treat London like a toilet or a rubbish bin firmly in place, courtesy of Sadiq Khan's bizarrely anti-improvement mayoralty, it wasn't going to be a big leap to target 'Zionists', directly or indirectly, on as many public surfaces as possible, constantly.
It's a perfect storm. In neighbourhoods like mine, a strong presence of illegal migrants doing their thing below the radar (some of it decent hard work, some of it not), hostels for new arrivals and asylum seekers, and lots of unemployed youths who have given the two fingers to education are all part of the meteorology of the moment.
Once home to refugees from Nazi Austria, Germany, Hungary and Poland, my area of London became famous for its Mitteleuropean café culture in the mid-to-late 20th century. People who frequented these cafés in the 1950s and 1960s remember hearing strongly accented old people talking about psychoanalysis where vape shops and grungy middle-eastern supermarkets now sit.
'The bus conductor would call out 'Jerusalem' or 'Vienna'! The German accent in the streets was predominantly Austrian,' recalled Walter Gratzer, a refugee who became a distinguished chemist upon release from an internment camp on the Isle of Man at the start of the war. Now the same road is stalked by feral youths, people who speak no English at all, and has become a throbbing centre of virulent anti-Israel, sometimes Hamas-glorifying, noise-making.
We hear it, we feel it, and we see it everywhere in bright ugly letters. That it has become an epicentre of such stuff is not a surprise: it is now home to a large community of people from backgrounds that make them more likely to give voice or be sympathetic to anti-Zionist outpourings.
Over the past few years, I have come to see cars, even on the quiet tree-lined roads parallel to my own, emblazoned with emblems of the Palestinian cause – one has a map of Israel done up in green, red and black and a few lines of Arabic translating to 'from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free' on its back window. It's not just unnecessary: it's aggressive.
Other daily sights, albeit painted over quite quickly either by horrified locals or the council (I suspect the former) include scrawls (to take just a few recent examples) of 'Israel kills kids', 'F--k Israel', 'Gaza' and 'Free Palestine' and 'Zionists out' over street signs, security grilles and protective covers of shop fronts, and buildings. You can't not see this stuff every day, no matter the route you choose. As soon as one vile message is taken down, another pops up.
It's not all bad. For all the scary louts, the nocturnal vandals with spray cans, the phone-thieving chancers, the shoplifters, the music-blaring ruffians, the weed-smoking trespassers, the fare-dodging criminals, and the Islamist sympathisers there are lots of kind, decent people of all ages, backgrounds, both men and women.
Someone is always on hand to enthusiastically help with a heavy suitcase or a pram and generally people are considerate on public transport. It's just that the exceptions to this have become painfully frequent and give a feeling of a society coming unstuck, brewing nastiness and danger of a type not seen since in several generations.
We have a double society. We have the ugly, dangerous descent into lawlessness, the trashing of our cities by people who feel entirely free to visit their anti-social, crassly political impulses on public property.
But we also have the noticeable, reliable kindness of people. I now believe that each type of behaviour is simply a matter of personal inclination, since nobody has much to fear from order-enforcing authorities anymore, either from police or other people's judgment. As the guys from Looking For Growth have found, people keep to themselves and say nothing because they are frightened to intervene. We all feel that fright.
I just hope that the good people don't lose the courage and the decency to go on being good, as the cities around them decay into crime and the personal studios of people who mean not just 'Zionists', but all of us, ill.

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Sky News
18 minutes ago
- Sky News
Clear crisis as Starmer marks first year - here's what I've observed from last 12 months
July 5 2024, 1pm: I remember the moment so clearly. Keir Starmer stepped out of his sleek black car, grasped the hand of his wife Vic, dressed in Labour red, and walked towards a jubilant crowd of Labour staffers, activists and MPs waving union jacks and cheering a Labour prime minister into Downing Street for the first time in 14 years. Starmer and his wife took an age to get to the big black door, as they embraced those who had helped them win this election - their children hidden in the crowd to watch their dad walk into Number 10. Politics latest: Corbyn starts new party Keir Starmer, not the easiest public speaker, came to the podium and told the millions watching this moment the "country has voted decisively for change, for national renewal". He spoke about the "weariness at the heart of the nation" and "the lack of trust" in our politicians as a "wound" that "can only be healed by actions not words". He added: "This will take a while but the work of change begins immediately." A loveless landslide That was a day in which this prime minister made history. His was a victory on a scale that comes around but one every few decades. He won the largest majority in a quarter of a century and with it a massive opportunity to become one of the most consequential prime ministers of modern Britain - alongside the likes of Margaret Thatcher or Tony Blair. But within the win was a real challenge too. Starmer's was a loveless landslide, won on a lower share of the vote than Blair in all of his three victories and 6 percentage points lower than the 40% Jeremy Corbyn secured in the 2017 general election. 👉 Click here to listen to Electoral Dysfunction on your podcast app 👈 It was the lowest vote share than any party forming a post-war majority government. Support for Labour was as shallow as it was wide. In many ways then, it was a landslide built on shaky foundations: low public support, deep mistrust of politicians, unhappiness with the state of public services, squeezed living standards and public finances in a fragile state after the huge cost of the pandemic and persistent anaemic growth. Put another way, the fundamentals of this Labour government, whatever Keir Starmer did, or didn't do, were terrible. Blair came in on a new dawn. This Labour government, in many ways, inherited the scorched earth. The one flash of anger I've seen For the past year, I have followed Keir Starmer around wherever he goes. We have been to New York, Washington (twice), Germany (twice), Brazil, Samoa, Canada, Ukraine, the Netherlands and Brussels. I can't even reel off the places we've been to around the UK - but suffice to say we've gone to all the nations and regions. 2:03 What I have witnessed in the past year is a prime minister who works relentlessly hard. When we flew for 27 hours non-stop to Samoa last autumn to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) summit, every time I looked up at the plane, I saw a solitary PM, his headlight shining on his hair, working away as the rest of us slept or watched films. He also seems almost entirely unflappable. He rarely expresses emotion. The only time I have seen a flash of anger was when I questioned him about accepting freebies in a conversation that ended up involving his family, and when Elon Musk attacked Jess Phillips. I have also witnessed him being buffeted by events in a way that he would not have foreseen. The arrival of Donald Trump into the White House has sucked the prime minister into a whirlwind of foreign crises that has distracted him from domestic events. When he said over the weekend, as a way of explanation not an excuse, that he had been caught up in other matters and taken his eye off the ball when it came to the difficulties of welfare reform, much of Westminster scoffed, but I didn't. I had followed him around in the weeks leading up to that vote. We went from the G7 in Canada, to the Iran-Israel 12-day war, to the NATO summit in the Hague, as the prime minister dealt with, in turn, the grooming gangs inquiry decision, the US-UK trade deal, Donald Trump, de-escalation in the Middle East and a tricky G7 summit, the assisted dying vote, the Iran-Israel missile crisis. 10:50 He was taking so many phone calls on Sunday morning from Chequers, that he couldn't get back to London for COBRA [national emergency meeting] because he couldn't afford to not have a secure phone line for the hour-long drive back to Downing Street. He travelled to NATO, launched the National Security Review and agreed to the defence alliance's commitment to spend 5% of GDP on defence by 2035. So when he came back from the Hague into a full-blown welfare rebellion, I did have some sympathy for him - he simply hadn't had the bandwidth to deal with the rebellion as it began to really gather steam. Dealing with rebellion Where I have less sympathy with the prime minister and his wider team is how they let it get to that point in the first place. Keir Starmer wasn't able to manage the latter stages of the rebellion, but the decisions made months earlier set it up in all its glory, while Downing Street's refusal to heed the concerns of MPs gave it momentum to spiral into a full-blown crisis. The whips gave warning after 120 MPs signed a letter complaining about the measures, the Work and Pensions Secretary Liz Kendall had done the same, but Starmer and Reeves were, in the words of one minister, "absolutist". "They assumed people complaining about stuff do it because they are weak, rather than because they are strong," said the minister, who added that following the climbdown, figures in Number 10 "just seemed completely without knowledge of the gravity of it". That he marks his first anniversary with the humiliation of having to abandon his flagship welfare reforms or face defeat in the Commons - something that should be unfathomable in the first year of power with a majority that size - is disappointing. To have got it that wrong, that quickly with your parliamentary party, is a clear blow to his authority and is potentially more chronic. I am not sure yet how he recovers. 2:58 Keir Starmer said he wanted to rule country first, party second, but finds himself pinned by a party refusing to accept his centrist approach. Now, ministers tell MPs that there will be a financial consequence of the government's decision to delay tightening the rules on claiming disability benefits beyond the end of 2026. A shattered Rachel Reeves now has to find the £5bn she'd hoped to save another way. She will defend her fiscal rules, which leaves her the invidious choice of tax rises or spending cuts. Sit back and watch for the growing chorus of MPs that will argue Starmer needs to raise more taxes and pivot to the left. That borrowing costs of UK debt spiked on Wednesday amid speculation that the chancellor might resign or be sacked, is a stark reminder that Rachel Reeves, who might be unpopular with MPs, is the markets' last line of defence against spending-hungry Labour MPs. The party might not like her fiscal rules, but the markets do. What's on the horizon for year two? The past week has set the tone now for the prime minister's second year in office. Those around him admit that the parliamentary party is going to be harder to govern. For all talk of hard choices, they have forced the PM to back down from what were cast as essential welfare cuts and will probably calculate that they can move him again if they apply enough pressure. There is also the financial fall-out, with recent days setting the scene for what is now shaping up to be another definitive budget for a chancellor who now has to fill a multi-billion black hole in the public finances. But I would argue that the prime minister has misjudged the tone as he marks that first year. Faced with a clear crisis and blow to his leadership, instead of tackling that head on the prime minister sought to ignore it and try to plough on, embarking on his long-planned launch of the 10-year NHS plan to mark his year in office, as if the chancellor's tears and massive Labour rebellions over the past 48 hours were mere trifles. 1:16 It was inevitable that this NHS launch would be overshadowed by the self-inflicted shambles over welfare and the chancellor's distress, given this was the first public appearance of both of them since it had all blown up. But when I asked the prime minister to explain how it had gone so wrong on welfare and how he intended to rebuild your trust and authority in your party, he completely ignored my question. Instead, he launched into a long list of Labour's achievements in his first year: 4 million extra NHS appointments; free school meals to half a million more children; more free childcare; the biggest upgrade in employment rights for a generation; and the US, EU and India free trade deals. 1:03 I can understand the point he was making and his frustration that his achievements are being lost in the maelstrom of the political drama. But equally, this is politics, and he is the prime minister. This is his story to tell, and blowing up your welfare reform on the anniversary week of your government is not the way to do it. Is Starmer failing to articulate his mission? For Starmer himself, he will do what I have seen him do before when he's been on the ropes, dig in, learn from the errors and try to come back stronger. I have heard him in recent days talk about how he has always been underestimated and then proved he can do it - he is approaching this first term with the same grit. If you ask his team, they will tell you that the prime minister and this government is still suffering from the unending pessimism that has pervaded our national consciousness; the sense politics doesn't work for working people and the government is not on their side. Starmer knows what he needs to do: restore the social contract, so if you work hard you should get on in life. The spending review and its massive capital investment, the industrial strategy and strategic defence review - three pieces of work dedicated to investment and job creation - are all geared to trying to rebuild the country and give people a brighter future. But equally, government has been, admit insiders, harder than they thought as they grapple with multiple crises facing the country - be that public services, prisons, welfare. It has also lacked direction. Sir Keir would do well to focus on following his Northern Star. I think he has one - to give working people a better life and ordinary people the chance to fulfil their potential. But somehow, the prime minister is failing to articulate his mission, and he knows that. When I asked him at the G7 summit in Canada what his biggest mistake of the first year was, he told me: "We haven't always told our story as well as we should." 3:42 I go back to the Keir Starmer of July 5 2024. He came in on a landslide, he promised to change the country, he spoke of the lack of trust and the need to prove to the public that the government could make their lives better through actions not words. In this second year, he is betting that the legislation he has passed and strategies he has launched will drive that process of change, and in doing so, build back belief. But it is equally true that his task has become harder these past few weeks. He has spilled so much blood over welfare for so little gain, his first task is to reset the operation to better manage the party and rebuild support. But bigger than that, he needs to find a way to not just tell his government's story but sell his government's story. He has four years left.


The Guardian
37 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Friday briefing: The court case trying to stop Palestine Action being designated a terrorist group
Good morning. On Wednesday, MPs including home secretary Yvette Cooper wore sashes to celebrate the legacy of the Suffragettes, whose methods included arson attacks, non-lethal bombings, and disabling railway lines. Then many of them voted to make wearing a Palestine Action t-shirt punishable by up to six months in prison, and membership of the group liable for a sentence of up to 14 years. The legislation is the result of Cooper's decision to proscribe Palestine Action. Today, the high court will hear a case brought by co-founder Huda Ammori asking for a temporary block on the order. If it fails, a group which pursues disruptive direct action aimed at buildings, equipment, and institutions rather than violence will be designated a terrorist entity for the first time. Cooper says that Palestine Action must be banned because it attacks the UK's defence industry, which is 'vital to the nation's national security'. For today's newsletter, I spoke to Martha Spurrier, a human rights barrister and former director of Liberty, about a new frontier in the UK's view of the line between disruptive protest and menacing force. This is my last newsletter for a while – I'm going on paternity leave, ahead of the imminent arrival of our, er, second edition. Aamna will be with you from Monday, and I'll be back in the autumn. Here are the headlines. UK politics | The MP Zarah Sultana, who was suspended from Labour last year, has said she will 'co-lead the founding of a new party' with Jeremy Corbyn. But Corbyn, who has not yet publicly committed to establishing a formal party, is understood to be frustrated at Sultana's unilateral announcement and reluctant to take on the title of leader. Diogo Jota | Jürgen Klopp and Cristiano Ronaldo led the tributes from across the football world to Diogo Jota after the 28-year-old Liverpool and Portugal forward was killed in a car accident in Spain. Jota's brother, André, also died in the crash in the province of Zamora. Middle East | Israel has escalated its offensive in Gaza before imminent talks about a ceasefire, with warships and artillery launching one of the deadliest and most intense bombardments in the devastated Palestinian territory for many months. In all, about 300 people may have been killed this week and thousands more injured, officials said. US politics | The US House of Representatives narrowly passed Donald Trump's sweeping tax and spending bill on Thursday. The 'big beautiful bill' makes sweeping cuts to safety net programs but adds trillions to the national debt through major tax cuts and spending increases on immigration enforcement and the military. UK politics | Rachel Reeves said she is 'cracking on with the job' of chancellor after her she was seen visibly distressed in the Commons on Wednesday. Speaking after a public show of unity alongside Keir Starmer at the launch of the NHS 10-year plan, she said she had been upset over a 'personal issue'. Yvette Cooper announced the decision to proscribe Palestine Action a few days after activists from the group broke into RAF Brize Norton and spray painted two military planes red. The home secretary called that incident 'disgraceful', and said it was part of a 'long history' of criminal damage that has 'increased in frequency and severity'. She said that the attacks had done millions of pounds worth of damage and sparked panic among bystanders, who had been 'subjected to violence'. But she did not suggest that Palestine Action is a group devoted to violence as the mechanism for securing its political aims, because it isn't. The proscription order was voted through parliament this week – but doesn't come into force until Saturday. Here's what you need to know. What's at stake in today's hearing? At the high court today, Huda Ammori will seek an interim order from the judge on the case, Martin Chamberlain, preventing Cooper's decision from taking effect until a court makes a decision on a judicial review. It is not a full examination of the substantive issues raised by the case, Martha Spurrier said. 'It will probably be focused on questions of process: does the complainant understand why the order was made? Has she been given the underlying evidence and the reasons? Has the process been fair, and have the right people been consulted? 'Part of it will be about creating the legal mood music for the judge,' she added. 'This has all happened very fast, and the level of the debate has not really been proportionate to the seriousness and novelty of the change, and so they will hope that the judge will find it more attractive to press pause and ventilate the issues thoroughly in court in a few weeks time.' The government, for its part, is likely to argue that the threat posed by Palestine Action is so serious and immediate that the UK's national security requires an instant response. If they succeed, the order will take effect on Saturday and place Palestine Action alongside the likes of Islamic State, al-Qaida, and the neo-Nazi group National Action. Here are some of the consequences. (For more detail, see Netpol's useful breakdown.) Membership or encouraging others to support the group will become a criminal offence, punishable by up to 14 years in prison. Informal expressions of support, including through clothes and banners, will become a criminal offence that could attract a six-month prison sentence. (None of this would apply retrospectively, and challenging or protesting the ban itself would still be allowed.) Organising or attending meetings of as few as three people would be banned along with fundraising or providing logistical support. Payment platforms would face investigation if they facilitated donations. Intelligence services and police would not be granted new powers of surveillance and infiltration directly, but proscription would likely increase resources flowing to monitoring suspected members of the group and might strengthen the case for warrants. Can the proscripton order still be overturned if the government wins today? If the government prevails, that is not the end of the story – but the route to overturning the ban becomes significantly harder. 'The minute the order is effective it is strengthened by being the status quo,' Spurrier said. 'The deference shown to the government on national security issues is enormous.' Should the case enter the appeals process, the first route is to the home secretary, whose view seems fairly predictable. After that it enters the legal system – but rather than being heard in open court, the case might end up in closed hearings, where Palestine Action would be represented by special advocates under severe limits on what they can share with their clients. For that to happen, the government would have to demonstrate that it has evidence which presents a national security risk to share publicly. If they succeed, the challenge for Palestine Action becomes incredibly steep, because they will only hear the parts of the case against them that have been agreed by the court not to present a national security risk. 'You can't answer the specific allegations, whether by saying I wasn't there on that date, or if you think our modus operandi is X or Y I can prove that it's not,' Spurrier said. 'It's the special advocate's job to make the strongest case they can in the absence of their client being able to give them instructions – but fundamentally they are working with both hands tied behind their back.' Is this a new frontier in the definition of terrorism? In the 1990s, Greenpeace was involved in a number of radical direct actions, like occupying the Brent Spar oil platform so it couldn't be disposed of in the sea, and destroying a field of genetically-modified maize. When the terrorism bill under which the Palestine Action decision has been made was going through parliament in 1999, Jack Straw, the home secretary at the time, dealt with the question of whether Greenpeace could be caught in the definition. 'I make it clear that the new definition will not catch the vast majority of so-called domestic activist groups,' Straw said. 'To respond to a recent example, I know of no evidence whatever that Greenpeace is involved in any activity that would fall remotely under the scope of this measure.' 'I don't think there's any evidence that parliament's intention was that groups like this would be caught by the definition of the terrorism act,' Spurrier said. 'This is the first time where the primary accusation is of property damage and not harm to people.' That obviously opens the way to wider applications in an era where direct action – often over the climate crisis – has become a major political issue, she added. 'It's really unclear to me what the principled distinction would be if Just Stop Oil began another wave of damage to property. There would surely be at the very least a political conversation about whether they should be proscribed.' Crucially, there are already plenty of laws in place for which members of groups like Palestine Action can be prosecuted for criminal damage – and which do not involve imposing the draconian restrictions of proscription. That is part of a wider political shift in the definition of acceptable protest, Spurrier said. 'I remember giving evidence to MPs about this a few years ago – and it was so noticeable that the fault line, which had always been peaceful or not peaceful, had moved – and suddenly it was disruptive or not disruptive. I had MPs saying to me that if it got in the way of the school run surely it should be banned. So there has been a paradigm shift.' What will it mean in practice? If the ban goes ahead, 'I don't expect you'll see white grannies being carted away for carrying a Palestine Action sign,' Spurrier said. 'They will be astute in who they arrest and who they prosecute. But you will see communities of colour bearing the brunt of it in the way they always do. And there will be a chilling effect – people who can't afford to be arrested because they will lose their job or they are just frightened by the prospect, simply won't show up.' There are reasons to worry about the broader consequences, including how the ban might interact with a bill going through parliament seeking to criminalise face coverings at protests and expanding the use of facial recognition. It might also lead to children being referred to the authorities under the Prevent scheme if they tell a teacher that their parents support the group, Spurrier said. 'There are so many pieces of architecture that can sweep people up for things that aren't criminal acts but speak to some kind of intention – and then you're in the dragnet.' Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion With all that in mind, it may seem extraordinary that the legislation passed the House of Commons this week by 385 votes to 26. 'I was really disappointed,' Spurrier said. 'But, whether you're talking about protest or asylum or criminal justice, the prevailing view is that a hardened anti-rights, anti-rule of law stance is almost a centrist position. So I was surprised that the numbers were quite so low. But I was never under the illusion that it would meet with serious resistance.' Holloman Lake, a 1965 wastewater pond in New Mexico, was a wildlife oasis until researchers tested strange shoreline foam and uncovered the devastating impact of forever chemicals on the ecosystem. Aamna A year after winning the election, Labour is at a low ebb, Polly Toynbee writes. It is time to be honest about the need for significant tax rises, she says – and to 'remind citizens that their taxes go to things everyone values most'. Archie A jury has acquitted Sean 'Diddy' Combs of sex trafficking, convicting him only of transporting male prostitutes. The case hinged on consent: the women said no; he said yes. The jury sided with him, cementing what feminist Moira Donegan calls the #MeToo backlash era. Aamna Ahead of the first date of the Oasis reunion tour tonight, I enjoyed Simon Armitage's tribute: as they return to the stage, 'fans will be back on each other's shoulders or arm in arm, singing gnomic phrases and occasional nonsense, united by some irresistible bond.' Archie To save time, people brush their teeth in the shower or wear slip-on shoes. Are these 'life hacks' clever conveniences, or a depressing sign of how overstretched, overworked and overwhelmed we've all become? Aamna Football | 'It is impossible not to feel a deep sense of pain, sadness and shared heartbreak at news of the sudden death of Diogo Jota and his brother André Silva,' Barney Ronay writes. He was 'the kind of footballer who barely seems to leave a dent in the grass, who, for all the tactical match-smarts seems still to be playing the same endless teenage game.' Tennis | The British No 1 Jack Draper was taught a grand slam lesson by the veteran Marin Cilic, losing 4-6, 3-6, 6-1, 4-6 in the second round at Wimbledon. Iga Świątek went about her business almost unnoticed as she defeated Caty McNally 5-7, 6-2, 6-1 to reach the third round. Football | It took under 90 seconds for Esther González to score the first goal for Spain against Portugal in the Women's Euros, and then they came quickly, finishing up at 5-0. Italy defeated Belgium 1-0 with Arianna Caruso's stunning, curling first-half goal. The Guardian splashes on 'Hundreds killed as Israel steps up Gaza strikes despite ceasefire hope.' The Times leads with 'NHS app to give patients a 'doctor in your pocket',' while the Mail has 'The doctor in your pocket will see you now.' The FT leads on 'Big asset managers piled in to gilts as markets dipped during Reeves crisis,' the i Paper has 'Pensions face tax hike to pay for Labour welfare U-turn,' and the Telegraph goes with 'Corbyn's hard-left challenge to Starmer.' Pictures of Diogo Jota, who died in a car crash in Spain, feature on many front pages. The Mirror splashes on 'Liverpool star tragedy: Devastating,' for the Sun, it's 'Football has lost a champion,' and the Express leads with ''Our hearts are broken' …fans in shock over death of Kop star.' Our critics' roundup of the best things to watch, read, play and listen to right now TVGaza: Doctors Under Attack | ★★★★★ Several powerful documentaries have emerged on Palestine this year, but this is the most unflinching. Its central thesis: the IDF systematically targets medics in all 36 of Gaza's hospitals. The pattern they lay out is chilling: first bombardment, then siege, followed by raids with tanks and bulldozers. Medical staff are detained, hospitals destroyed and the forces move on. The aim appears to be long-term devastation and ensuring Palestinians have nothing to return to. The documentary's slow, methodical unfurling of this thesis is the stuff of nightmares. Stuart Heritage Film Heads of State | ★★★★☆ Idris Elba and John Cena return in this gun show from Nobody director Ilya Naishuller, playing a UK prime minister and US president at odds. After a joint press conference goes sideways and derails a Nato-backed energy deal, the two are forced to fly together to repair the damage, only for their Air Force One trip to end in a fiery crash. Elba deftly toggles between Odd Couple chemistry with Cena and romantic tension with Priyanka Chopra. Naishuller delivers action with pratfalls and one-liners. This is the perfect summer movie – fun, fiery, and totally frivolous. Andrew Lawrence Music . (Period): Kesha | ★★★★☆Kesha's sixth album marks a fresh start, bringing back the artist who once brushed her teeth with Jack Daniel's and danced with giant penises on stage. Only the piano ballad Cathedral feels fully rooted in her recent legal battles. This is clearly an album designed to put Kesha back at the centre of pop. The songs are strong, full of smart twists, drops, and funny, self-referential lines: 'You're on TikTok / I'm the fucking OG.' The army of collaborators, from Jonathan Wilson to Madison Love, rally behind her. Kesha plays the part of Kesha 1.0 to perfection. For all the lyrical excess, nothing feels forced. Why would it? She's simply reclaiming the role she created. Alexis Petridis Guilty … and not guilty: understanding the Sean 'Diddy' Combs verdict – podcast The rapper faced charges often levied at mafia bosses. Anna Betts explains what the jury heard, and Andrew Lawrence tells Nosheen Iqbal what the verdict means for the music mogul A bit of good news to remind you that the world's not all bad Spain's women's football team has battled systemic misogyny and poor treatment for years, culminating in a World Cup win in 2023 overshadowed by an unwanted kiss from football chief Luis Rubiales. The incident ignited global outrage and amplified calls for equality. The outcome of the scandal was that it sparked wider social debate in Spain about gender and power, and ultimately gave young women the voice they needed. The players now say that this turning point has led to a positive change. Player Aitana Bonmatí says, 'It was tough to play here; the situation wasn't good … Now everything is better.' And finally, the Guardian's puzzles are here to keep you entertained throughout the day. Until tomorrow. Quick crossword Cryptic crossword Wordiply


Telegraph
38 minutes ago
- Telegraph
There will be no second chance for Labour
The ANC were the first to coin the slogan 'make the country ungovernable' as they sought to depose the apartheid government in South Africa. An unruly people would weaken the centre, extract concessions and push tensions until they became contradictions. From there, you get the real prospect of regime change. Britain remains a relatively prosperous and secure nation. But it is becoming palpably less governable by the day. This is not confined to one party or leader. The lifespan of prime ministers and their cabinets are getting shorter. Parliament is sovereign once again, but it does not feel that way. Successive governments have failed to grip the centre and act decisively to overcome Britain's malaise. This is the task that falls to Labour. These are not easy times in which to govern. The Government has little room for manoeuvre. The bond markets are tetchy, gilt yields are higher than they have been for decades, pushing up the cost of borrowing. The failure of the leadership to shave £5 billion off welfare spending only increases the nervousness. Scleroticism has taken hold in seemingly every institution. How have we got here? And how can Labour get us out of it? From the 1990s through to 2016, the political class on both Left and Right was characterised above all by complacency. These were the fat years. Growth was good, largely because of a booming services economy centred on London and the south east in general and the City of London in particular. This growth enabled New Labour's economics of redistribution that supported the country's heartlands. After years of hardship, Blair's model seemed to finally bring the warring factions of the country back together again. The 2008 crash should have shaken the political class out of its complacency, exposing the precarity of our heavily financialised economy and the malaise that lurked beneath the surface of our now fragile economic model. While services had grown, our productive capacity had been denuded. Strategic industries had been closed down, outsourced or sold off to foreign investors. Regions once massaged by public sector employment opportunities and welfare found these tools were no longer powerful enough to smooth the cracks left by deindustrialisation. The recession marked the juncture at which Britain began to decline relative to the US and most other European nations, yet it prompted little critical reflection. Austerity was the coalition government's answer – and it was an expensive one. Huge structural weaknesses in our economy were reduced to a matter of simple accounting. Investment dried up and infrastructure could not keep pace with maddeningly high levels of immigration. Growth, productivity and real wages flatlined. Complacency was still the order of the day for a political class who had grown decadent and far-removed from the real conditions of the country. Whatever else it may have done, the vote to leave the European Union punctured this complacency. Blue Labour had been warning since 2009 that all was not well in the body politic, that lurking beneath the glitzy New Labour veneer social disaffection was growing. Blue represented melancholia as much as conservatism. Now all was out in the open: the disconnect between the political class and the country it sought to govern; the towns that had been left behind, their economic purpose in a global economy obscure; and the dysfunction of government, parliament and our public institutions. The Conservatives proved incapable of exiting this quagmire. The 2019 government began with an 80-seat majority and ended in ignominy and an announcement of a new fund for chess players. Lacking the will or confidence to take on Treasury orthodoxy, immigration trebled and levelling up was abandoned. The civil service was left unreformed. Growth continued to stagnate as judicial overreach and regulatory constraints made building impossible. A few brief spasms aside, inertia replaced complacency as the defining feature of our political class. As little as a year ago, you could still find echoes of complacency in the political and media class when they spoke of Labour's election win as a victory for the 'grown-ups'. But fixing a broken political system, a dysfunctional state and a stagnant economy requires more than a clean suit and tie. It has taken Labour one year to discover what took the Conservatives 14 years: that Britain, its economy and its institutions, are barely functioning. Too many in Labour defined themselves solely in opposition to the Conservatives and thought a new Government need only focus on 'delivery', with a few technical fixes here and there. Others wanted to reduce the task of governance to a form of altruism for those in need. Their vibes-based politics has no resonance in the country, no acknowledgment of the hard reality of trade-offs in a low growth economy, and no solutions for Britain's malaise. If there is a divide in Labour it is not between Left and Right, New Labour or Blue Labour, but between those who understand the severity of the country's situation and those who do not. The future success of this Government depends on this understanding. It must be an insurgent on behalf of the people, willing to grip the centre and take on its own party and the scleroticism of our institutions as it rebuilds a shattered country, shifting resources to the productive economy, to build, make and grow, driving social and economic development, radically reducing immigration and speaking for the whole country as one people united in a shared national identity and purpose. This is the choice facing Labour, the fork in the road in this inauspicious moment – a retreat into the comfort zone of liberal progressivism confined to the prosperous areas of the country, doing things for a client electorate, promising the impossible, or a striving for a radical rebuilding of the national economy, renewing our sovereign democracy and building our national revival on a broad, cross-class coalition. This way lies a second term and a new political settlement. The first year has not gone well, but there will be no second chance for Labour.