As Martyrs' Day triggers a political row in Kashmir, why it remains a flashpoint nearly a century later

Indian Express

3 days ago

On July 13, the Jammu and Kashmir Police – which falls under Lieutenant-Governor Manoj Sinha – placed political leaders, including Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, under house arrest to prevent them from observing 'Martyrs' Day', by paying tributes to the the 22 people killed by the then Dogra regime's forces in 1931. Before J&K's special status was revoked in 2019, July 13 was officially commemorated as Martyrs' Day with a state-wide public holiday.
However, J&K's two regions – the Muslim-dominated Kashmir and the Hindu heartland in Jammu – have always viewed the day differently.
So what happened on that day, nearly a century ago?
Before 22 people were shot and killed outside the Srinagar Central Jail on July 13, 1931, anger had been building up in Kashmir against Dogra ruler Maharaja Hari Singh's forces.
On April 21, a police officer was accused of preventing a cleric from delivering the Khutbah – a customary sermon – after Eid prayers in Jammu. In another incident that day, the police and some upper-caste Hindus were reported to have prevented Muslims from using a ground and a water tank, which were in the 'joint possession' of the two communities, for Eid prayers.
A few days later, a head constable allegedly desecrated a colleague's Quran.
With tempers running high in Kashmir, Hari Singh's political affairs minister, G E C Wakefield, advised him to invite a delegation of Muslims to submit their grievances. Leaders in Kashmir organised a meeting at a shrine in Srinagar to choose their representatives. There, Abdul Qadeer Khan, who worked as a cook for a British military officer, delivered a fiery speech.
In his book Kashmir: Exposing the Myth behind the Narrative, historian Khalid Bashir Ahmad writes, 'A protest meeting was held at Khanqah-i-Mualla on June 21, 1931, where tens of thousands of Muslims assembled. The meeting resulted in the formation of a collective leadership… As the meeting was about to close, Abdul Qadeer Khan appeared on the stage and made a speech.'
In his autobiography Aatish-e-Chinar (Flames of Chinar), National Conference (NC) founder Sheikh Abdullah said Khan delivered his speech later, at another location. 'After the meeting, the organisers and elected representatives proceeded for tea to Hamdania Middle School. There, one Abdul Qadeer made sparks fly,' Abdullah writes.
According to Ahmad's book, Khan said, 'Muslim brethren! The time has now come when we should meet force by greater force to put an end to tyrannies and brutalities to which you are subjected.' Pointing towards the Maharaja's palace, Khan said, 'Raze it to the ground.'
Khan was arrested and charged with sedition.
On the day his trial got underway at a sessions court, thousands gathered in solidarity. Sensing trouble, the Dogra regime decided to shift the trial to the Srinagar Central Jail, where Khan was lodged.
On July 13, 1931, as the trial was about to start, thousands gathered outside the jail, with some forcing their way inside.
Prem Nath Bazaz, in his book Inside Kashmir, says there was a confidential order to keep the trial closed to the public. 'But the matter did not remain a secret and within a few minutes it was well known that the trial would be held at the jail. Large crowds gathered before noon on July 13, and when the time of trial came, the crowd had swelled to about 7,000,' Bazaz writes.
'No one realised the significance of Abdul Qadeer's outspokenness. The incident that was to occur on July 13, 1931, had the same impact on our movement that the 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre had on the Indian independence movement,' Abdullah writes. 'We pleaded with the people to keep away from the Central Jail… Despite our pleas, hordes of people tried to force their way into the jail.'
There are different narratives about what happened before the police opened fire, killing 22 people. Bazaz says 'the mob became uncontrollable and some forced their way into the outer compound (of the jail)', with the District Magistrate ordering the arrest of the mob's 'ring leaders'. But no one tried to pacify or warn the protesters.
Prof Ghulam Hassan Khan, in his book Freedom Movement In Kashmir 1931-1940, says around 200 people were peacefully sitting inside the jail premises. 'By 12.30 pm, the muezzin gave a call to prayer… A little later, the District Magistrate, City Munsiff, Superintendent of Police, and Assistant Superintendent of Police arrived. No sooner did they come out of their vehicles than the people began shouting slogans,' Khan writes.
'Of all the officials present… not even one went forward to the crowd to reason with it and pacify it. The official Enquiry Commission, which investigated the affair, deplored this attitude and recorded its opinion that the crowd ought at least to have been told by the District Magistrate that it was a criminal gathering and ran the great risk of a clash with authorities,' Bazaz writes.
'The arrests highly excited the crowd, who demanded the release of their leaders… (The crowd) became infuriated and threw stones. Telephone lines were shaken and subsequently cut. Attempts were made to set fire to the Police Lines… At this stage, the firing was ordered. According to the official report, 10 men were killed and several wounded. It was found on July 26 that 21 persons died as a result of the jail incident,' Bazaz writes.
Khan writes: 'Finding that the people were resolute and determined, authorities suddenly stopped firing and the police disappeared. People rushed into the jail compound. They took out bedsteads from the quarters of the jail guards, placed on them the dead and injured, and carried them to the Jamia Masjid.'
In his autobiography, Abdullah writes, 'I was sitting quietly when a terrified young man burst into my house and told me of the firing. He said the dead were being brought in a procession towards the city. I was mortified at what this may trigger… Rioting and plundering had started at Zainakadal and Bahorikadal… I learnt that some Muslims, who were taking a dead body to his home, had asked Hindu shopkeepers to pull down their shutters as a mark of respect. They refused. This provided the pretext for anti-social elements to go on a rampage. After the situation had limped back to normal, the police managed to recover property stolen from Hindu shops.'
Bazaz, however, has another version. 'The jail firing created great resentment in the mob against Hindus. So when the procession reached Maharaj Gunj, a busy trade centre of the city, Hindu shops that had been closed after the jail incident were broken open and looted,' Bazaz writes. 'Serious rioting followed… Hundreds of Hindu houses and shops were denuded of their contents… Three Hindus were murdered and 163 wounded.'
In his book, Ahmad argues that the findings of the Enquiry Commission, set up by the Maharaja, were biased. 'It (the Commission) appeared to be at pains to absolve the men and officers of the government responsible for the killing of unarmed people and throw mud of culpability on the victims. The bias against Muslims freely flowed through the report,' Ahmad writes. 'When Mrs Thakur Das, a Hindu lady, testified through a written statement that 'the sepoys fired without a cause' … her statement was dismissed as a possible outcome of a 'grudge against the government'.'