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Trump's 'Giant Win' Does Not Validate His Unconstitutional Birthright Citizenship Order

Trump's 'Giant Win' Does Not Validate His Unconstitutional Birthright Citizenship Order

Yahoo3 days ago
When the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against "universal injunctions" last week, President Donald Trump hailed the decision as a "GIANT WIN" for his administration. Trump added that "the Birthright Citizenship Hoax"—by which he meant the conventional understanding of the 14th Amendment—also had been "hit hard," albeit "indirectly."
That take was misleading in two important ways. First, the issue that the Court addressed goes far beyond this particular administration, potentially affecting progressive policies pursued by Democrats as well as conservative policies favored by Republicans. Second, the majority said nothing about the legal merits of Trump's attempt to restrict birthright citizenship by presidential fiat, which remains just as constitutionally dubious as it always was.
In an executive order he issued on his first day in office, Trump purported to exclude children of unauthorized immigrants and temporary legal visitors from U.S. citizenship. From now on, he said, U.S.-born children will qualify for that status only if at least one parent is a citizen or lawful permanent resident.
That decree provoked lawsuits by individuals, organizations, and states, several of which resulted in preliminary injunctions blocking enforcement of the order across the country. The question for the Supreme Court was whether federal courts hearing challenges to executive actions or federal legislation are authorized to issue injunctions that extend beyond the plaintiffs in the cases before them.
Such injunctions have become increasingly common in recent decades as both Republicans and Democrats have used them to frustrate the plans of the opposing party. From 1963 to 2023, according to a 2024 study, federal courts issued 127 universal injunctions, more than three-quarters of which were granted during the administrations of four presidents: George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Trump, and Joe Biden.
The targets of those orders covered a wide range, including international travel restrictions, COVID-19 policies, abortion drugs, environmental regulations, student loan forgiveness, and a ban on transgender soldiers. In other words, this tool has no particular political or ideological valence, and the same people might welcome or condemn its use, depending on which party happens to be in power.
Six justices concluded that universal injunctions are not within the powers granted by the relevant statute, the Judiciary Act of 1789. "The universal injunction was conspicuously nonexistent for most of our Nation's history," Justice Amy Coney Barrett wrote for the majority. "Its absence from 18th- and 19th-century equity practice settles the question of judicial authority."
The decision leaves open several other options that could have an impact similar to universal injunctions. The Administrative Procedure Act, for example, explicitly authorizes federal courts to "set aside" agency actions when they are "arbitrary," "capricious," an abuse of discretion, or otherwise contrary to law.
Another alternative is illustrated by one of the cases that resulted in the Supreme Court's stay: When states challenge a federal policy on behalf of their residents, they can argue that adequate relief requires a nationwide injunction. Finally, representative plaintiffs can bring class-action lawsuits on behalf of themselves and all similarly situated individuals, assuming they can meet the tests established by the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure.
The three justices who dissented from the Supreme Court's decision argued that universal injunctions are historically validated and appropriate in at least some cases. In particular, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said in an opinion joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, such remedies should be available when a law or executive action is plainly unconstitutional.
Trump's order pretty clearly falls into that category. It contradicts centuries of legal tradition, the original understanding of the 14th Amendment, 127 years of Supreme Court precedent, and the consistent positions of federal officials in every branch of government.
Tellingly, the Trump administration, despite the president's bluster about "the Birthright Citizenship Hoax," did not challenge the injunctions against his order insofar as they apply to the plaintiffs in those cases. That would have entailed defending the constitutionality of Trump's edict—a fight he cannot win.
© Copyright 2025 by Creators Syndicate Inc.
The post Trump's 'Giant Win' Does Not Validate His Unconstitutional Birthright Citizenship Order appeared first on Reason.com.
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Major political scandal led to ethics reform in Tennessee: Notorious Nashville
Major political scandal led to ethics reform in Tennessee: Notorious Nashville

Yahoo

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  • Yahoo

Major political scandal led to ethics reform in Tennessee: Notorious Nashville

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US court clears deportation of 8 migrants to South Sudan despite legal fight
US court clears deportation of 8 migrants to South Sudan despite legal fight

Business Insider

timean hour ago

  • Business Insider

US court clears deportation of 8 migrants to South Sudan despite legal fight

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These 26 Rich Private Colleges Just Got A Tax Cut From Republicans
These 26 Rich Private Colleges Just Got A Tax Cut From Republicans

Forbes

timean hour ago

  • Forbes

These 26 Rich Private Colleges Just Got A Tax Cut From Republicans

S trange things happen when details of a massive tax and budget bill, like the one President Donald Trump signed yesterday, are tweaked behind closed doors. Among them: A couple dozen of the nation's wealthiest small private colleges will be getting a tax cut next year, even as bigger rich universities, including Princeton, MIT, Yale and Harvard, will be slammed with higher taxes. It all began as an effort by House Republicans to dramatically raise the excise tax imposed on the earnings of college endowments, and particularly the endowments of wealthy 'woke' schools like Harvard University that they (and President Donald Trump) have targeted. But as it turns out, while Harvard's tax bill will likely more than double, some smaller schools with famously left-leaning student bodies (e.g. Swarthmore College and Amherst College) are getting tax relief. That's because schools with fewer than 3,000 full-time equivalent tuition-paying students will be exempt from the revamped endowment tax beginning next year. It currently applies to private schools with more than 500 full-time equivalent tuition-paying students and endowments worth more than $500,000 per student. Using the latest available federal data from fiscal year 2023, Forbes identified at least 26 wealthy colleges that are likely subject to the endowment tax now, but will be exempt next year based on their size. Along with top liberal arts schools like Williams College, Wellesley College, Amherst and Swarthmore, the list includes the California Institute of Technology, a STEM powerhouse, and the Julliard School, the New York city institution known for its music, dance and drama training. Grinnell College in Iowa, which enrolled 1,790 students in 2023, will save around $2.4 million in tax each year as a result of the change, President Anne Harris said in an email to Forbes . Here's what happened. As passed by the House in late May, the One Big Beautiful Bill (its Trumpian name) increased the current 1.4% excise tax on college endowments' investment earnings to as high as 21% for the richest institutions—those with endowments worth more than $2 million a student. (While these schools are all non-profits and traditionally tax exempt, the 1.4% tax on investment earnings was introduced by Trump's big 2017 tax bill. According to Internal Revenue Service data, 56 schools paid a total of $381 million in endowment tax in calendar 2023.) Along with raising the rate, the House voted to exempt from the tax both religiously-affiliated schools (think the University of Notre Dame) and those that don't take federal student financial aid. (The religious exemption was structured in a way that Harvard, founded by the Puritans to train ministers, wouldn't qualify.) The House also sought to penalize schools like Columbia University, with heavy international student enrollments, by excluding students who aren't U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents from the per capita calculations. Then the bill went to the Senate, where the Finance Committee settled on more modest–albeit still stiff–rate hikes. Schools with endowments of $500,000 to $750,000 per capita would still pay at a 1.4% rate, while those with endowments above $750,000 and up to $2 million would pay 4%. Those with endowments worth more than $2 million per student would pay an 8% tax on their earnings, not the 21% passed by the House. Enter Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough, who makes decisions on the Senate's Byrd rule, which requires parts of a budget reconciliation bill like this one to have a primary purpose related to the budget—not other types of policy. The Byrd rule was put in place because reconciliation isn't subject to filibuster. 'You can't get into a lot of prescriptive activity' in a budget reconciliation bill, explains Dean Zerbe, a national managing director for Alliantgroup, who worked on college endowment issues back when he was tax counsel for Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa). 'Like, 'you've got to hop on one foot,' or 'you've got to make tuition affordable,' or 'you've got to do better in terms of admission.'' The Parliamentarian ruled that those three House provisions—exempting religious-affiliated schools, exempting schools that don't take federal aid, and excluding foreign students from the per capita calculation—didn't pass the Byrd test. At that point, Republican senators settled on the 3,000-student threshold in large part to specifically exempt one school from the tax: Hillsdale College, an ultra-conservative, Christian liberal arts college in Hillsdale, Michigan and a GOP darling. It enrolled 1,794 students in 2023, had an endowment worth $584,000 per-student, and notably accepts no federal money, including student aid. (So both the religious exemption and the one for schools taking no federal student aid would have presumably shielded Hillsdale from the endowment tax—before the Parliamentarian gave them the thumbs down.) There was also a broader group of small schools pushing for the exemption, notes Jonathan Fansmith, senior vice president for government relations and national engagement at the American Council on Education. 'They made an argument that I think got some positive reception among Republican senators of saying that essentially, while their endowments may be big relative to the fact that they have small student bodies … their endowments weren't big.' A school like Amherst, he adds, 'might have a big endowment for a small school, but they don't have a big endowment relative to the Ivies and the more heavily resourced [universities].' House Republicans, under intense pressure to meet Trump's July 4th deadline, ended up accepting the final Senate product in full. That meant exempting the smaller schools, including the 'woke' ones, while levying a rate of up to 8% on the endowments of bigger schools. Congress' Joint Committee on Taxation estimates colleges will now pay an extra $761 million in tax over 10 years, compared to the extra $6.7 billion they would have paid under the House version with its higher 21% rate and broader reach. Based on data from 2023, Forbes estimates that at least 11 universities will have their endowment earnings taxed at an 8% or 4% rate in 2026, while five will continue to pay the 1.4% rate. Three schools—Princeton University, Yale University, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology—will likely be required to pay an 8% excise tax on their endowment earnings. Another eight, including Harvard, Stanford University, Dartmouth College and Vanderbilt University, will likely pay a 4% tax. The remaining five schools—Emory University, Duke University, Washington University in St Louis, the University of Pennsylvania, and Brown University—would pay the same 1.4% endowment tax rate they're paying now, based on fiscal 2023 numbers. One school that will likely pay 4% is the University of Notre Dame, a Catholic-affiliated school which would have been exempt from the tax were it not for the Byrd rule. 'We are deeply disappointed by the removal of language protecting religious institutions of higher education from the endowment tax before passage of the final bill,' Notre Dame wrote in a statement to Forbes . 'Any expansion of the endowment tax threatens to undermine the ability of a broad range of faith-based institutions to serve their religious purpose. We are proud to have stood with a coalition of these institutions against that threat, and we are encouraged by the strong support for a religious exemption received from both chambers.' Fansmith, for his part, won't call the exemption of the small schools a win. 'We think the tax is a bad idea and it's bad policy, and no schools should be paying it. But, by the standard that fewer schools are paying, it's better, but it's still not good,' he says. 'It's not really about revenue,' adds Fansmith. 'It's really about punishing these schools that right now a segment of the Republican party doesn't like.' The schools make the argument that it's students who are being punished, since around half of endowment spending pays for student scholarships. Meanwhile, Zerbe warns the now exempt schools shouldn't take that status for granted. 'Once revenue raisers are in play and out there, they come back again and again,' he says. 'It would be a disaster for [colleges] to think somehow this was a win for them. This was a billion dollar hit on them and there's more to come later.' More from Forbes Forbes Here's What The Senate Budget And Tax Bill Means For Colleges By Emma Whitford Forbes Trump's Foreign Student Crackdown Puts These 16 Struggling Colleges At Risk By Emma Whitford Forbes Trump's Visa Ban Is Barring New Foreign Doctors From Entering U.S. By Emma Whitford Forbes What The One Big Beautiful Bill Act Will Mean For You And Your Business By Kelly Phillips Erb

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