Chaos as Serbia opposition set off flares in parliament to back protests
Footage shared online showed opposition members holding colourful flares and throwing what appeared to be smoke canisters as the opening spring session began.
A live video feed showed parliamentary speaker Ana Brnabic lambasting the opposition's protest and the alleged use of "tear gas" in the assembly.
"Your colour revolution has failed, and this country will live, this country will work and this country will continue to win," she told them, referring to pro-western revolts that shook post-Soviet states.
Serbia has been rocked for months by student-led anti-corruption protests after the deadly collapse of a train station roof last year that killed 15 people.
The movement has put increasing pressure on the Serbian government and President Aleksandar Vucic, spurring the resignation of the prime minister in January and other high-ranking officials.
Tuesday's session was the first since Prime Minister Milos Vucevic stepped down and MP were set to formalise his resignation.
They were also to debate a new higher education bill that would slash tuition fees for university students -- a key demand of the protesters.
But amid chaotic scenes, opposition members launched their protest and threw eggs and water at members of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party.
"Do you defend students' demands like this?" said speaker Brnabic during the session.
Opposition lawmakers also waved Serbian flags and held signs saying "Your hands are bloody" and "Fulfil the students' demands!"
- Investigation -
The speaker later said that multiple MPs were injured during the incident.
Serbia's Health Minister Zlatibor Loncar said that one lawmaker was taken to an intensive care unit after suffering a stroke.
Hours after the melee another fracas erupted in the parliamentary chamber when a fire extinguisher was discharged.
Belgrade's public prosecutor's office said it had ordered police "to establish the relevant facts and gather all available evidence to identify the individuals who brought and used pyrotechnic devices" and find out who else threw objects during the session.
Interior Minister Ivica Dacic later added that legislators who engaged in violence would not be protected by legal immunity.
"Anyone who participated in the incident ... will be held accountable for their actions in line with the law. We will never tolerate violence," said the minister.
- Months of protests -
The fatal collapse of a railway station roof in the city of Novi Sad in November came after extensive renovations to the building.
It ignited long-simmering anger in the country over corruption and the alleged lack of oversight for construction and development projects.
Vucic and other government officials have swung between calling for talks and firing off allegations that the demonstrators are being backed by foreign powers.
To quell the protests, the government has sought to meet several of the student organisers' demands.
Those steps have included releasing a raft of documents related to the renovations at the station; pardoning protesters arrested at rallies; boosting funding for higher education and launching criminal proceedings against suspects accused of attacking demonstrators.
Outside parliament, student protesters also rallied as the session opened, where they held 15 minutes of silence in tribute to the victims of the Novi Sad tragedy.
University students have emerged as the leaders of the protest movement and have been blockading campuses across the country for weeks.
But the student protesters have refrained from making a formal alliance with Serbia's fractured political opposition.
The chaotic scenes in parliament come after thousands of demonstrators flocked to the southern city of Nis over the weekend, during the latest in a series of mass demonstrations.
Protesters have called for another large rally to be held in the capital Belgrade on March 15.
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New York Post
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Atlantic
11 hours ago
- Atlantic
Socialism Was Dead. Trump Revived It.
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Over this period, the percentage of Americans who described themselves as generally satisfied rarely exceeded one-third and often hovered at about a quarter. The era of moderation yielded to a time of radicalism: Occupy Wall Street, the Tea Party movement, 'birtherism,' the wave of militant ideology that acquired the shorthand 'woke.' In 2015, in the throes of this radicalism, Hillary Clinton announced her second campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. In a stump speech some weeks later, she listed categories that described the American electorate as she saw it, offering a fascinating portrait of the politics of the 1990s meeting the realities of the 2010s. She dedicated her candidacy equally to 'the successful and the struggling,' to 'innovators and inventors' as well as 'factory workers and food servers.' In other words, she addressed herself to Americans for whom the world was working more or less well, and to familiar and long-established blue-collar categories. She made no specific mention of gig workers, downwardly mobile credentialed professionals, or any of the other restless social categories that multiplied after the shock of 2008–09. A few weeks after Clinton's announcement, Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont declared his campaign for the same Democratic nomination. Sanders was an odd messiah. He had spent a lifetime in politics with little to show for it. No major piece of legislation bore his name, and precious few minor pieces either. An independent socialist, he had stayed aloof from the Democratic Party without building a movement of his own. Few had considered him an inspiring personality or a compelling orator. Yet amid this new radical temper, he quickly gathered a cultlike following—and won 13 million votes, to carry 23 caucuses and primaries. When he ultimately lost to Clinton, the defeat left many of his supporters with resentments that divided leftists from liberals in ways that may have helped Donald Trump win the Electoral College in the general election in November 2016. In 2002, toward the end of her public career, Thatcher was asked to name her greatest achievement. 'Tony Blair and New Labour,' she replied. 'We forced our opponents to change their minds.' Sanders might say the same about Trump and his Republican Party. Goodbye to Reagan-era enthusiasm for markets and trade: Trump vowed much more aggressive and intrusive government action to protect American businesses and workers from global competition. He also offered a bleak diagnosis of America's condition, for which the only way forward was to return to the past. At the same time, Trump's persona vindicated every critique Sanders might advance about the decadence of late capitalism. Here was a putative billionaire whose business methods involved cheating customers and bilking suppliers. His private life was one scandal after another, and he spent his money on garish and gimcrack displays. He staffed his administration with plutocrats who were flagrantly disdainful of the travails of ordinary people, and with grifters who liked to live high on public expense. Then, beginning in 2020, the coronavirus pandemic intensified the anti-market feeling. The economic effects enriched those who possessed assets, especially real estate: The median house price in the U.S. had jumped from $317,000 in the spring of 2020 to $443,000 by the end of 2022. The federal pandemic response could also be gamed by business owners; the U.S. government estimates that as much as $200 billion of COVID-relief funds may have been fraudulently pocketed. But if you were a person who rented his or her home and lived on wages, you were almost certainly worse off in 2022 than you had been in 2019. Your wages bought less; your rent cost more. The outlook was especially bleak for young college graduates. The average new graduate owes more than $28,000 a year in student debt. Hopes of repaying that debt were dimmed by the weak post-COVID job market for new graduates. Joe Biden's presidential administration did relieve some student debt, but its most ambitious plans to help new graduates were struck down by the Supreme Court as exceeding executive authority. In some respects, people born since 1990 are more conservative than their elders. Academic surveys find that Americans, male and female, who attended high school in the 2010s express more traditional views about gender roles than those who attended high school in the 1990s. But on economic questions specifically, an observable shift of attitude against markets and capitalism has occurred. Only 40 percent of adults younger than 30 expressed a positive view of capitalism in a 2022 Pew survey, a drop from 52 percent pre-pandemic. Older groups lost faith too, but not so steeply: Among over 65s, a positive view of capitalism dipped from 76 percent pre-pandemic to 73 percent post-pandemic. This disillusionment has opened the door to self-described socialists in the 2020s. The most recent and most spectacular of this new cohort is Zohran Mamdani, who earlier this month won the Democratic nomination for mayor of New York City in an upset election. Mamdani campaigned on promises to raise taxes on New York's richest inhabitants to finance a bold new program of state enterprise: free bus service, government-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze for the 1 million apartments under city jurisdiction, and a vow to build 200,000 affordable-housing units over the next decade. After the tallies were boosted by New York's ranked-choice voting system, Mamdani won 56 percent of the vote. He now tops polls for the general election in November. His agenda already is influencing Democrats nationwide. Few if any of the Americans who use the term socialist would today defend Communist central planning. But as they criticize the many failings of contemporary American society, they tend to shirk the obvious counter-question: If not central planning, then what do they want? Liberals such as Bill and Hillary Clinton proposed to let markets create wealth, which governments would then tax to support social programs. If that's out of style, if something more radical is sought, then what might that something be? Merely Clintonism with higher taxes? Or a genuine alternative? How can a society that aspires to socialism produce the wealth it wants to redistribute if not by the same old capitalist methods of property, prices, and profits? The socialists of a century ago promised both a new way to create wealth and a new way to share it. The preeminent American socialist of the early 20th century, Eugene V. Debs, outlined that new system in speeches such as the one he delivered in Girard, Kansas, in 1908: We Socialists propose that society in its collective capacity shall produce, not for profit but in abundance to satisfy human wants … Every man and woman will then be economically free. They can, without let or hindrance, apply their labor, with the best machinery that can be devised, to all the natural resources, do the work of society and produce for all; and then receive in exchange a certificate of value equivalent to that of their production. Then society will improve its institutions in proportion to the progress of invention. Whether in the city or on the farm, all things productive will be carried forward on a gigantic scale. As soon as it was attempted, this breathtaking utopian vision bumped into a daunting challenge: Without market prices, how can any of those gigantic socialist enterprises know what to make or how to commit their resources? And without market institutions, including the profit motive, how can we have market prices? Socialist enterprises would blunder about in the dark, unable to communicate with one another, unable to respond to changing circumstances, because they severed the lines of communication that connect economic actors. Much brainpower was invested over many decades to solve this riddle. Francis Spufford's novel Red Plenty makes improbably poignant literature out of the desperate hopes of Soviet economists that the new technology of the computer might somehow rescue socialism from its own impossibility. But there was no escape. There is no socialist way to create wealth. There is only a socialist way to spend wealth. The socialist revival of the past half decade no longer even pretends to worry about wealth production. It exists purely as a new set of claims on existing modes of production: socialist apartments funded in effect by taxes on nonsocialist apartments, socialist grocery stores that do not have to pay the taxes or rent paid by nonsocialist grocery stores. The beneficiaries of these claims will not necessarily be society's poorest. New York City distributes affordable-housing units through a process that begins with a lottery but rapidly transforms into a test of skill, savvy, and connections. In the first place, New York favors applicants who work for the city, in itself a step that advantages middle-class people over the truly needy. Then, once the lucky lottery winners get their good news, they must assemble a mass of documents to prove their desirability as tenants—pay stubs, lease records, birth certificates. As an expert on the process explained to a real-estate website: 'Once you've been selected, it's all about being organized and efficient.' The people most at risk of homelessness are those least likely to navigate New York's system of nonmarket and submarket rents. In 2022, Mayor Eric Adams—elected as a Democrat, though now running for reelection as an independent—cut the ribbon on a $120 million project in Far Rockaway. This outer-borough development offered studios starting at $522 a month, two-bedroom apartments for $809 a month. But the building contained only 224 units. For all the excitement of the lucky beneficiaries, this is the faintest replica of a housing solution—as well as a reality check to Mamdani's grandiose vision of government-led housing abundance. Given this disappointing record, why are so many New Yorkers signing up for more and bigger? The short answer is that the debate about socialism is scarcely about socialism at all. Socialism's catastrophes are today obscure, relegated to a poorly remembered past. Dissatisfaction with the present-day economic system is felt urgently in the here and now. The progressive economist Joseph Stiglitz recently remarked, 'Trumponomics is ersatz capitalism.' The president and those around him are accumulating huge fortunes by unashamedly preying on the credulity of their followers. Trump insiders have used political power to harass regulatory agencies and cripple tax enforcement. Trump's big policy moves are accompanied by an avalanche of suspicious trades. 'Of the stock and stock fund sales administration officials reported between Jan. 20 and April 30, 90% fell within 10 days of the tariff announcements,' USA Today reported last week. The New York Times suggested in April that if Trump seems to care little about crashing the stock market but a lot about the bond market, that may be explained by his own holdings: few stocks, many bonds. (Unlike most past presidents, Trump has not put his holdings in a blind trust.) While Trump's behavior discredits markets, his rhetoric vilifies markets. In April, the Trump administration imposed the most crushing tariffs on international commerce since the Smoot-Hawley Act's regime of 1930. The Trump adviser Stephen Miller explained to Fox News the administration's reasons: 'Our leaders allowed foreign countries to rig the rules of the game, to cheat, to steal, to rob, to plunder,' he said. 'That has cost America trillions of dollars in wealth.' Echoing his boss's grievance-laden language, he said, 'They've stolen our industries.' It's not always phrased so vituperatively, but the message is consistent: free exchange is an illusion; there is nothing but exploitation. The only way to protect Americans from this exploitation is for the nation's political leaders to subject more and more of the U.S. economy to state control. If this way of thinking is true, then the severest critics of capitalism are right. Happily, this way of thinking is not true. Free exchange is a system of cooperation and mutual benefit, the most effective that humanity has yet discovered. But who in the Trump-led United States is arguing the case for free exchange? The most influential intellectuals of the left reject markets as too inequitable; those on the right reject them as too cosmopolitan. On one side, the professional politicians are intimidated by their most radical supporters; on the other, the politicians are under the sway of crooks and con artists, whose idea of capitalism is unregulated permission to bilk and defraud. Marxists condemn capitalism as 'organized robbery.' They could not be more wrong. But who will refute them when the government of the world's largest capitalist democracy is in the hands of organized robbers?
Chicago Tribune
a day ago
- Chicago Tribune
Ten years later, family still searches for Diamond Bynum and King Walker
When Lashann Walker thinks about the last 10 years, the only way she can describe it is heartbreaking. For 10 years, Walker and her other family members have searched for Diamond Bynum and King Walker — her daughter and nephew who went missing in Gary. 'I try to put it into words, and it's hard,' Walker said. 'It's a pain that lies in my heart every second and every day. I wake up every morning with them on my mind, and I go to sleep with them on my mind.' On July 25, 2015, then 21-year-old Diamond Bynum and then 2-year-old nephew King Walker went missing after they left their Gary home, according to Post-Tribune archives. The two likely went for a walk on that Saturday morning. Bynum has Prader-Willi syndrome, which leads to slow mental development, so family members had to help care for her. At the time, she was also unfamiliar with the area. 'A lot can change in 10 years,' Walker said. 'At the time, King could hardly talk. He was just a baby, saying some words, but not full sentences. … They were both just kids.' Since the disappearance, Walker said she and other family members have searched for them, and there are still no leads on what happened. 'Someone out there knows what happened,' Walker said. 'If you know anything, please come forward.' A Gary Police Department officer was unable to speak about Bynum and King Walker's case this week. Gary spokesperson Erika Blackwell sent a statement on behalf of the department, saying they recognize the disappearance with 'deep respect and unwavering commitment.' The department has worked with multiple law agencies, including the Indiana State Police and Northwest Indiana Major Crimes Task Force. 'The case remains open and active,' the statement said. 'Our investigators continue to pursue every lead, re-examine evidence, and work closely with local, state, and federal partners in the ongoing search for answers. We recognize the profound and lasting impact this tragedy has had on Diamond and King's family. Their strength and resilience continue to inspire our commitment to uncovering the truth.' Those with information can contact the Gary Police Department or submit an anonymous tip at 219-207-8477, according to the statement. Walker expressed frustration with the Gary Police Department on this case and asked them to cooperate more with her family. As of Wednesday, she had not heard anything from police about Bynum and King Walker's case. 'I know they have a lot of cases and a lot they're dealing with, but I feel like Diamond and King have been swept under the rug,' Walker said. 'It feels like they don't matter anymore, and I don't know what else to do to make them matter.' In January, Bynum and King Walker were two people recognized at a Team NWI-Independent Search and Rescue's awareness event. At the time, 82 people in Gary were missing, according to the Indiana Missing Person Bulletin. In a January statement, Cannon said the information was outdated, and it's critical for residents to have the most accurate information. 'We take every missing person case seriously and dedicate all necessary resources to locate the individuals and bring them back safely to their families,' the statement said. 'It is our goal to work with the families of missing persons to protect their privacy and ensure the integrity of each case.' Multiple families of missing people have done search parties to look for their loved ones. Walker said search parties have continued to look for her daughter and grandson, even if she's unable to go along. 'They have people searching, but I have to work, so I'm never able to search,' Walker said. 'I wish I could work on the case fully and have time to investigate, but I have to pay my bills.' Although Walker might not be able to physically search for her daughter and nephew, she won't give up until they're found. 'All I can do is try to keep their name out there,' Walker said. 'And that's what I'm doing.'
