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India rises in QS World Rankings, 54 institutions ranked in 2026 list
The number will rise further, said education minister Dharmendra Pradhan on the back of India's National Education Policy's thrust on research, innovation, and internationalisation. 'Our government is committed to furthering research and innovation ecosystems for the benefit of India's youth,' said Prime Minister Narendra Modi. IIRF also came out with India's top research institutes on Thursday.
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Indian Express
28 minutes ago
- Indian Express
How Trinamool Congress keeps a tight grip on colleges in West Bengal
The alleged rape of a student at a law college in Kolkata last month brought into focus a well-known West Bengal secret: Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders' control of colleges in the state, largely through their governing bodies (GBs). In his latest visit to the state, which goes to the polls next year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday raised 'the state of the education sector' in Bengal, specifically the school jobs scam. 'What is happening in West Bengal is worrying. Be it primary education or higher education, the situation is the same everywhere. Thousands of teachers have lost their jobs because of grassroots corruption … Trinamool has put both the present and future of Bengal in crisis,' he said at a rally in Durgapur in Paschim Bardhaman district. The Indian Express looked at several colleges in and around Kolkata, some of which are affiliated to the University of Calcutta (CU), where TMC leaders wield influence in the governing bodies. Following the case of alleged rape at the law college, it emerged that the main accused, Monojit Mishra, is a member of the TMC's student wing Trinamool Chhatra Parishad and was appointed a 'casual' clerical staffer after he graduated. A TMC MLA heads the college's governing body. Some MLAs and ministers, in fact, are the governing body presidents of multiple colleges. To questions about how this affects academic and administrative freedom in these institutions, the TMC points out that the appointments are well within the rules. The West Bengal Universities and Colleges (Administration and Regulation) Act, 2017, which sets out the rules on governing bodies, says in Article 5(3) that their tenure will be 'determined by the State Government from time to time'. As a result, many of these GBs have remained unchanged for over half a decade, with the government routinely extending their tenure every six months. The structure of these 10-member bodies is also such that it allows the government to stack them with people whom it either directly nominates or those who are closely linked to the TMC. Only four elected members make it to the governing bodies — three teachers and one non-teaching staff representative — and often, they too have links to the ruling party. Since student union elections have not been held in colleges for the past several years, the post of student representative continues to remain vacant. Some TMC leaders and the college governing bodies they are presidents of are: The Indian Express reached out to all of them but received no response. 'Principals are now sandwiched between politics and college administration. There is no freedom to work,' said a college principal who refused to be identified. A recurring complaint among principals is the lack of change in the governing bodies. 'The GB in my college was last officially formed in 2018. Every six months, the government sends an extension order,' said Dr Satya Upadhyay, principal of Calcutta Girls' College. However, he added, that despite TMC MP Haque heading the college governing body, he didn't face any pressure. 'We sometimes have differences of opinion, but we end up finding a solution. You cannot take politics out of campuses,' Upadhyay said. Last month, after the principal of Kolkata's Rani Birla Girls' College, Srabanti Bhatacharya, initiated the election of teaching and non-teaching staff representatives to the GB — which has been unchanged for seven years — a government nominee dropped in a day before voting was to take place. The election was subsequently cancelled, with Bhattacharya hospitalised on complaint of acute chest discomfort. In a letter, the faculty and other staff members alleged that the government nominee had put pressure on the principal to halt the election. 'Those who don't listen to orders face consequences. Many principals have been suspended because of differences. For instance, it happened in Purulia Raghunathpur College because the principal didn't listen to the GB,' claimed former All Bengal Principals' Council president and retired AJC Bose College principal Purna Chandra Maity. Alleged political interference in colleges also extends beyond GB appointments, with instances of former leaders and general secretaries of TMCP getting appointed to non-teaching positions. In one instance, a powerful TMCP leader became the head clerk at Ashutosh College and a former general secretary was appointed the college accountant, said a source. This shows an 'urgent need for comprehensive reforms to restore academic autonomy and ensure transparent, democratic governance in colleges', said a college principal, who did not wish to be identified. Another feature of the political limbo on college campuses is the absence of regular student union elections. 'Non-functional student unions give the TMCP all the advantage,' said a CU official. 'College authorities also treat the TMCP unit as the students' union. Every college used to have a separate fund for these unions, and that now goes to the outfit.' Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha state president Indranil Khan alleged that 'over-politicisation of campuses' by the TMC had 'ruined the academic atmosphere'. 'Such people control colleges, admissions, and examinations. They would never nominate a fair academic to the governing body, as then they will not be able to rig elections,' he said. CPI(M) student wing SFI's All India Joint Secretary Dipsita Dhar accused the TMC of running a monopoly in colleges. 'The whole idea of having a governing body without a student in it is antithetical to internal democracy. Sadly, in Bengal, colleges have turned into a source of income for the Trinamool nexus,' she said. The institutional control of universities and educational institutions, however, is not exclusive to the TMC years. It was a source of consternation for the middle classes during the three-decade Left rule, too. In Economic and Political Weekly in June 2011, economist Pranab Bardhan, analysing the fall of the CPI(M), mentioned its all-pervasive control of institutions, including colleges and universities, and the damage it caused. 'The appointments and promotions in colleges and universities, directly orchestrated from the party office in Alimuddin Street and screened for party loyalty, decimated Bengal's long-enjoyed advantage in academic, intellectual and professional pursuits,' he wrote. TMCP state president Trinankur Bhattacharya defended the extended term of the general bodies, saying it was within the rules. 'I do not understand the problem if the GB president is a political person and is efficient. For example, Dr Shashi Panja is so efficient. Also, not all college GBs are in the party's control,' he said.
Scroll.in
28 minutes ago
- Scroll.in
Caste divide, political polarisation, third alternative: Why the Bihar election is wide open
Legislative assembly elections in India are often fought and won on local issues. The overall national narrative, such as the national security rhetoric of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, can at best be an add-on to the prevailing regional issues. Bihar is no exception to this, and its polarised political landscape with a sharp caste divide makes it even more difficult to sway the voter's mood solely through issues like Operation Sindoor, India's military operation against Pakistan, which was launched to avenge a terrorist attack. Although the Bihar legislative election is due in October this year, Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party, as well as the Opposition parties, have already started positioning themselves for the polls. The significance of the Bihar assembly election can be gauged from the fact that both Modi and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi have visited the state several times recently. Modi's choice of a public rally in Madhubani district in Bihar to announce his resolve to avenge the recent barbaric terrorist attack at Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir carried symbolic significance. A recent poll survey conducted by C-Voter, however, suggests that Operation Sindoor is likely to have only a marginal impact on the mood of the electorate. Nonetheless, factors such as Modi's strong leadership and his stance on Pakistan will certainly play a role during the BJP's election campaign. Caste census impact The impact of free food distribution, LPG connections, and toilet construction for poor households often pushes Modi's leadership rating above that of his opponents. The Opposition's poll plank of demanding a caste census may not yield significant gains for any political party in Bihar. Modi's initial resistance and vacillation, followed by his sudden appropriation of the caste census plank, means that all the political parties in the state support a caste census. Both the Janata Dal (United) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal, the central fulcrums of the two opposing alliances – the National Democratic Alliance and the Mahagathbandhan (the Opposition's grand alliance – were at the forefront of the campaign demanding a caste census. Hence, the credit gets evenly distributed. Coalition of the willing Bihar is the only north Indian state where political power has eluded the BJP without the support of an alliance. Unlike in a parliamentary election, in Bihar the party cannot rely on Prime Minister Modi's persona alone to secure victory. Despite all major BJP leaders in the state coming from the Other Backward Classes and Extremely Backward Classes, it has not been able to take on JD(U) leader Nitish Kumar or RJD leader Lalu Prasad on its own. The BJP has not been able to groom a regional leader of any consequence. For many years, it bet on Sushil Modi, a backward class leader. But that did not work. Then it propped up Samrat Choudhary, a backward caste Koeri leader. However, now the Koeri votes are being targeted by giving space to former JD(U) leader Upendra Kushwaha of the Rashtriya Lok Manch in the BJP-led alliance. The party wants to prop up a younger and more acceptable face to take on Tejashwi Yadav of the RJD. The announcement by Chirag Paswan, son of the late Dalit leader Ramvilas Paswan, to contest the assembly election from a general seat (rather than a constituency reserved for Dalits) has fuelled speculation about BJP's game plan. Although he is part of the National Democratic Alliance, Paswan appears to be preparing for a post-Nitish Kumar political vacuum in the alliance, which currently lacks a prominent state leader. The BJP's attempt to form a government without any major local ally in 2015 ended in a fiasco, depriving it of power for several years. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has reason to believe that the BJP can rule the state only in coalition with his party, the JD(U), and that he alone has the option of allying with both the RJD and BJP. He has done so twice in the past. It is not that the BJP has not tried to dispense with Nitish Kumar. It tried and failed. However, that may not prevent it from trying again. Nitish Kumar is ageing and in indifferent health. Besides, he leads a government facing 20 years of anti-incumbency. The BJP may see this election as an opportunity to split the JD(U), possibly after the election. Whether Kumar survives the most difficult test of his political career will depend on the number of seats he wins and his ability to keep his flock together. X-factors The Bihar election has also become more interesting due to the entry of a new political party – Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party. The Jan Suraaj Party is not a party born out of a mass movement. It is neither ideological nor a dynastic regional party. It is more akin to a start-up led by ace election strategist Prashant Kishor, who aims to capitalise on misgovernance, the deteriorating law and order situation, and the outward migration of workers and students due to lack of industrialisation and the collapse of educational institutions. The party is also targeting caste-agnostic voters in the state, as well as those who dislike the RJD but are averse to voting for the BJP and JD(U). CSDS-Lokniti data suggests that in 2020 many who traditionally voted for BJP were also reluctant to vote for JD(U). If the Jan Suraaj Party succeeds in poaching voters from both sides of the political divide, it may prove to be the X-factor in this election. State of the Opposition The Opposition Mahagathbandhan is heavily reliant on the father-son RJD duo of Lalu Yadav and Tejashwi Yadav, and their Muslim-Yadav voter base. Despite being in Opposition, the RJD is not in a position to fully capitalise on the anti-incumbency against the government, owing to its two stints in a government led by Nitish Kumar. Still, with a vote share of around 23%, and an alliance with the Left parties and others, it remains a strong contender. Much will depend, however, on whether non-committed voters outside the Muslim-Yadav base shift towards the RJD. As for the Congress, while it may be the sheet anchor of the Opposition alliance nationally, in Bihar it brings little to the table given its negligible organisational presence. Though Nitish Kumar is down, he is not fully out of the race. He retains support among the Extremely Backward Classes, Mahadalits, and women voters of the state. But politically, he appears beleaguered and vulnerable, possibly fighting the last battle of his career. The Bihar election will clearly be determined by local factors, with caste and anti-incumbency being crucial determinants of the electoral outcome. However, the yearning for change is palpable in Bihar, and the quest for a third alternative among voters makes the 2025 election wide open.
New Indian Express
28 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Chhattisgarh passes Jan Vishwas Bill to reduce legal burden, boost ease of business
RAIPUR: In a resolute move, the BJP-ruled Chhattisgarh passed 'Jan Vishwas Bill' in the Assembly marking a significant step towards ease of living and doing business in the state. With a focus to lessen non-essential legal burdens and encouraging voluntary compliance, Chhattisgarh becomes the second state in the country to pass the Bill that replaces criminal penalties with fines for minor violations. The new Act will aim to decriminalise minor technical violations by citizens and business owners — many of which stemmed from outdated British-era laws. Touted as a historic reform, the bill intended towards securing trust-based governance prioritising transparency with accountability between the government and its citizens and trade. 'In a paradigm shift, the state in one attempt has eased the burden of the judicial system by cutting down on avoidable litigation, while sparing citizens from facing criminal proceedings for minor lapses. As many as 163 provisions across eight Acts were amended and decriminalised as part of doing away with the colonial legacy. It will also check corruption and needless harassment', a government spokesperson told the TNIE. Some of the Acts to be amended through the bill include Urban Administration Department laws, Nagar Tatha Gram Nivesh Act, Society Registration Act, Chhattisgarh Industrial Relations Act, Chhattisgarh Excise Act, and the Chhattisgarh Cooperative Society Act. 'On the lines of the Indian Judicial Code brought under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi, Chhattisgarh has now become the second state after Madhya Pradesh to pass the Jan Vishwas Bill. It's an important step towards achieving the goals based on 'Viksit Rajya for Viksit Bharat' theme,' said Vishnu Deo Sai, Chhattisgarh chief minister. The government asserted that the focus is to make employment and business easier in the state as well as to protect traders and common citizens from judicial litigation in non-criminal category cases. The initiative will create a smooth business and responsible environment as the new enactment will be helpful in replacing the fear of criminal litigation with fines for minor violations while the strict penalties for grave violations will still be retained. The state government ahead of passing of the bill had secured crucial feedback from legal experts, representatives of industrial groups, business houses, officials and other stakeholders.
