China sees Australia as the Western partner worth resetting with and Anthony Albanese made it happen

Australia Broadcast Center

16 hours ago

It's increasingly clear that Chinese President Xi Jinping's preferred Western leader is Anthony Albanese.
The evidence?
A six-day trip across China. A private lunch with Xi. The decision to prioritise Albanese over the foreign ministers of India and Russia, and more than 4 minutes of prime-time coverage of his visit on the 7pm CCTV news — China's most influential and tightly controlled state media news bulletin.
In Chinese political theatre, every action is deliberate.
There's no doubt that the message now filtering through every level of the Chinese political system is this: a re-elected Australian prime minister is friendly to China, and the Communist Party chief wants the country to do business with him.
The fact this message is being actively broadcast across such a complex and opaque system is telling.
Xi rarely engages Western democracies on equal footing. But Albanese's trip showed something different: respect, caution and optimism.
The two leaders made it clear that mutual respect is now the foundation for deeper engagement, at least for the second decade of a comprehensive strategic partnership.
That's no small thing when you're talking about Xi Jinping, one of the most powerful men in the world.
If there's one thing other countries can learn from Albanese's China approach, it's the line he has used repeatedly since taking office:
It's more than a slogan — it's a carefully balanced playbook for all sides.
For those in Canberra wary of Beijing's intentions, it says: we won't be naive.
For those in Beijing who remember the volatility of previous Australian governments, it says: we're here to talk, not to fight.
This is what made Albanese's message land. Chinese leadership values consistency. Saying this out loud to Xi Jinping, on Chinese soil, was a display of diplomatic maturity.
Few Western leaders manage that. Some hedge, others grandstand. Albanese was direct and it worked.
Why was it effective? Because the message echoes a phrase by Zhou Enlai, China's first premier, who in 1955 at the Bandung Conference, said:
"Seek common ground while reserving differences."
It became a cornerstone of China's diplomatic approach to both enemies and neighbours.
Albanese's message, though delivered in democratic terms, resonates with that same logic.
In China's political structure, Xi is the only real decision-maker.
When he chose to host Albanese and his fiancee, Jodie Haydon, personally, bypassing the traditional role of the premier, it wasn't just a three-course meal.
It was a display of serious personal and political investment.
That gave Albanese a rare opening, a chance to raise hard issues directly with the one man who can actually deliver. No filters. No bureaucratic hedging.
That kind of access is hard-won and Australia shouldn't underestimate its significance.
It also signals something else: Xi values the connection. He's looking to build rapport.
This is how top-down trust works in China. When Xi wants progress, the system follows.
In Canberra, trust flows from the public, through lobbying, into Parliament, then to the top.
Both governments now face the challenge of reconciling these different systems in discussions on trade, diplomacy, tourism, education, climate change and more.
But while Beijing may have reset with Albanese, the Australian public hasn't necessarily followed.
According to a new Pew Research Center report, only 23 per cent of Australians hold favourable views of China, rising from 14 per cent since last year.
Pew's findings underscore the challenge ahead — public sentiment will take far longer to repair than diplomatic channels.
Despite warm smiles and shared meals, Australians remain deeply sceptical of Beijing's long-term intentions.
That's the tightrope Albanese is walking — between Chinese favour and domestic suspicion.
Whether this reset holds will depend not just on diplomacy, but on results.
One certain outcome of Albanese's grand trip is that Chinese tour groups are coming back. Visa waivers for Australians remain in place.
But for Australians to feel safe in China again, especially in remote western regions, one unresolved issue looms large: the fate of Australian citizen Dr Yang Hengjun, who is currently under a suspended death sentence.
His continued detention undermines the softening tone of the visit.
For Canberra, it remains a test of good faith. If China wants to shift Australian public opinion — especially among families considering study, travel or investment — this must be resolved, no matter how polished the propaganda.
There was, however, a notable moment of inclusion. In his remarks to Premier Li Qiang, Albanese highlighted the 1.4 million Australians of Chinese descent:
"That is a benefit to both of our countries because they provide a very real personal link between us," he said.
It was a reminder that the relationship wasn't just bilateral, it was human. But trust, again, must go both ways.
For Beijing, trust is top-down.
For Australia, it must embrace its own Chinese Australian citizens, many of whom still face suspicion and political scrutiny in both countries.
If Canberra wants to rebuild ties with China, it must also build trust with Chinese communities at home.
They are not a liability.
They are a strength that helps the Australian society to understand China.
There's no doubt that Beijing wants an independent Canberra that doesn't echo Washington.
One thing is also clear in Xi's message — Australia doesn't need to choose between China and the US. It needs to engage with clarity, consistency and confidence.
Australia's ability to engage China confidently depends on its internal capacity and right now, that's underdeveloped.
Many of Australia's public institutions, especially in the security and intelligence sectors, still rely heavily on American frameworks and analysis when it comes to understanding China.
This dependence has left Australia with only a narrow space for independent expertise and at times, a lack of clarity in forming its own China policy.
At the same time, academic and policy research into China faces chronic funding shortages, political pressure, and limited freedom to explore complex or sensitive issues.
Scholars say they are often sidelined or silenced, creating a knowledge vacuum at a time when understanding China has never been more urgent.
If Australia wants to chart its own path between Washington and Beijing, it must invest in its own capacity — not just in diplomacy and defence, but in language, history, politics and society.
Without that, Australia risks being reactive rather than strategic.
It was Gough Whitlam, after all, who recognised Beijing before Richard Nixon.
That legacy shows where Australia once stood in the race — not where it is now.