
CPEC power dues rise to Rs423b
The government managed to restrict the outstanding dues of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) power projects to Rs423 billion by June this year, which might also be settled soon, subject to early resolution of the issue of interest on late payments.
The official documents showed that as of the end of fiscal year 2024-25, the outstanding energy payments to Chinese power plants amounted to Rs423 billion. These were Rs22 billion, or 5.5%, more than the preceding fiscal year.
The details showed that since 2017, the country has paid Rs5.1 trillion in energy costs to the 18 Chinese power plants, which were equal to 92.3% of the billed amount, including interest. The Pakistani authorities believe that the actual remaining cost of energy was less than Rs300 billion and the rest of the amount was due to late payment surcharges.
The government is in the process of taking nearly Rs1.3 trillion in fresh loans from the local commercial banks to retire the circular debt that it owes to the state-owned power plants, nuclear power plants, privately owned plants, and the Chinese plants.
According to one of the conditions set by the federal cabinet, the authorities will negotiate with the power producers to waive off the interest payments in return for taking upfront full payments, said a government functionary who is part of these discussions.
The Chinese might not waive off the interest cost due to their internal requirements, which would leave the government with the option of either making full payments in one go or clearing the dues as the fiscal space is created.
The Rs423 billion unpaid debts are in violation of the 2015 CPEC Energy Framework Agreement, which binds the government to fully clear the dues irrespective of whether the authorities can recover the amounts from the end consumers.
Along with security, the non-fulfilment of CPEC contracts is one of the reasons for slow progress in financial and commercial relations between the two nations. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is expected to visit China next month, and one of the agenda items is luring Chinese investors to Pakistan by addressing their concerns.
Under the CPEC Energy Framework Agreement, Pakistan was required to create a revolving fund with 21% of the power invoices to protect Chinese firms from the circular debt crisis. However, the previous government opened a Pakistan Energy Revolving Account at the State Bank of Pakistan in October 2022 with Rs48 billion in annual allocations. But it limited the withdrawals to Rs4 billion per month, leading to the current Rs423 billion debt stock.
The documents show Pakistan owed Rs87 billion to the imported coal-fired Sahiwal power plant, while the company received Rs1.14 trillion in the past eight years of its operations. The country also owed Rs69 billion to the coal-fired Hub power project, compared to the Rs834 billion worth of total claims.
The outstanding remaining dues of the coal-fired Port Qasim power plant were Rs85.5 billion, as against the total bills of over Rs1 trillion. The Port Qasim plant's dues were roughly Rs15 billion higher than the preceding fiscal year.
The Thar Coal project dues remained at Rs55.5 billion. It had claimed Rs566 billion worth of dues. The outstanding dues of Karo power company were Rs11 billion, Engro Powergen Thar Coal Rs38 billion, Matiari Lahore Transmission Line Rs28.5 billion, and Thar Energy Limited Rs8.3 billion.
The Chinese government has repeatedly raised this issue with Pakistan through diplomatic channels, including Pakistan's embassy in Beijing and its own embassy in Islamabad.
It is expected that once the procedural formalities are completed by the commercial banks and the federal government's entities, the circular debt amounts would start going down.
The government had reached a deal with commercial banks to borrow Rs1.25 trillion at less than an 11% interest rate as part of its three-pronged strategy to eliminate the circular debt and restore power sector viability.
The banks are expected to disburse the loans soon after fulfilment of the procedural requirements.
The deal is said to be about 3% to 5% cheaper than the interest on the existing facilities and the penalties that the government pays for not making timely payments of the energy purchases. The Rs1.25 trillion debt is being taken on the books of the Central Power Purchasing Agency (CPPA), and it would not be part of the overall public debt.
The government was paying up to 14% cost to the commercial banks on the loans that it had taken in the past to retire the circular debt, and up to 16% price to the Independent Power Producers (IPPs) for not making timely payments to them.
Out of the total Rs2.4 trillion existing circular debt stock, there is a need to resettle the Rs1.5 trillion principal amounts to eliminate the debt stock.
Out of the Rs1.25 trillion, about Rs660 billion will be settled against the Power Holding Limited debt. This debt had been obtained in the past at a rate of KIBOR plus up to 2%. The nuclear plant powers will get around Rs280 billion, while the LNG power plants are expected to receive Rs220 billion.
Pakistan's earlier efforts to get the energy debt rescheduled have not succeeded, according to the government sources. Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb and Energy Minister Sardar Awais Laghari were leading these efforts.
The Pakistani officials had requested a five to eight-year extension for repaying energy debt, converting US dollar-based interest payments to Chinese currency, and reducing overall interest rates for both CPEC and non-CPEC Chinese-funded projects.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Express Tribune
3 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Trump's belligerence drives a major shift in Indo-Pacific
The author writes on geopolitical issues and regional conflicts. He can be reached at Listen to article Donald Trump's implacable belligerence has tutored traditional American allies to quickly adjust to new geopolitical realities or truckle to his ceaseless demands. An increased sense of urgency across Europe and the Indo-Pacific implies that they have decided to take up the gauntlet of diversifying their partnerships. In a rare show of displeasure at the US president's stubborn arrogance, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese during his China visit sought to stabilise relations and manage differences to "contribute" to regional peace and prosperity, holding a "constructive" meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping to underscore Beijing's importance for "our economy, our security and the stability of our region". Beijing is Canberra's largest trading partner with almost a third of Australia's exports destined for China and bilateral trade hitting 312 billion Australian dollars in 2024. The two economies are highly complementary, meaning China has a huge demand for Australian goods and services. This symbiotic bond, unlike the Australia-US parasitistic trade ties, provides a sound footing to tap the opportunity and strengthen the extensive relationship. China's investments contribute to infrastructure development, productivity and job creation in Australia; and its development, opening-up and rising middle class unleash new vistas for Australian exporters. As members of Asia-Pacific Economic Forum and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, both countries also have shared interests in safeguarding regional stability and prosperity. In the face of rising protectionism and unprecedented volatility in global trade due to Trump's unilateral tariffs, a stable and strengthened Australia-China relationship would ensure the Australian economy to withstand and navigate strenuous trials and continue to make a positive impact on domestic workers, employers and industries. The strengthening of the Beijing-Canberra ties has ushered in a wave of optimism among Australian businesses with 75% of foreign firms in a poll by the Australia-China Chamber of Commerce reporting profitability in 2024. Their enthusiasm — because 70% rate China as one of their top three destinations for investment over the next three years — reinforces Beijing's appeal as a hub of innovation and industrial transformation. Canberra's intent to "do more business with China" was reflected in its Trade Minister Don Farrell's interview in which he refused to budge to US pressure, emphasising that Chinese trade was nearly 10 times more valuable to Canberra. "We'll make decisions... to engage with China based on our national interests and not on what the Americans may or may not want." Nonetheless, disparity between Albanese's and the country's defence department's approaches risks derailing Australia's newfound charm offensive against China. For instance, Canberra has been accusing Beijing of spearheading the largest and most ambitious military buildup since the Second World War. Its Defense Minister, Richard Marles, recently echoed such an assertion. Yet this assessment has long been contested by none other than Australia's own analysts and former diplomats who believe the Chinese strategy is essentially inward looking, focusing internal stability and external security. Even leading Western investigations reveal that the US, by far, outspends China in defence spending and that Beijing's military development and the record of use of force are relatively restrained. Conversely, Trump's return is spurring new challenges for the Albanese government. After the Biden administration wanted to get Canberra "off the fence" by locking it for the next 40 years through AUKUS, Trump's AUKUS-skeptic undersecretary of defense Elbridge Colby is leveraging the trilateral partnership to hard-press Australia into making pre-commitments if a US-China war breaks out on Taiwan. The Trump administration is also pressurising Australia to increase defence spending to 3.5% of the GDP. Canberra has hitherto resisted the US pressure for it would cost Australia tens of billions of dollars. For an economy that will remain in a structural deficit through 2034-35, a defence splurge would indeed imperil Albanese's social policy agenda. Trade with China has helped Australia put the cost of living on a downward trajectory. Studies show that this trade relationship has increased disposable income of Australian households by an average of 2,600 Australian dollars, supporting around 600,000 jobs. While US maintains 10% baseline tariff on Australian goods, 25% on automobiles and 50% on steel and aluminum, Beijing thanks to the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement applies an average of just 1.1%, urging Canberra to rethink before jumping on Washington's bandwagon vis-à-vis Beijing. No wonder China is seen as a more reliable trade partner than the US by Australians with a sizeable majority of them (71%) agreeing that the country's relationship with Beijing is important. This comes as Trump has upended the long-held assumption that America could be a dependable ally, stoking a belief in many Aussies whether it could even act responsibly. Establishing diplomatic relations, Beijing and Canberra in 1972 agreed to develop the relationship on the basis of the principles of mutual respect for sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. These fundamental tenets laid the foundation of a robust Beijing-Canberra relationship as people across the two countries lived together peacefully through decades. Should Australia chuck out its schizophrenic ambivalence, both nations can still pioneer the way for a resilient strategic partnership and a secure and thriving Indo-Pacific.


Express Tribune
4 hours ago
- Express Tribune
China is catching up with the United Sates
Listen to article David Autor and Gordon Hanson, two economic professors known for their research into how globalisation and especially the rise of China is reshaping the American labour market, contributed an article to the Opinion pages of The New York Times. The article was titled "Did we learn nothing from the 'China Shock'?" They wrote: "The first time China upended the U.S. economy between 1999 and 2007, it helped erase nearly a quarter of all technological jobs. Known as the 'China Shock', it was driven by a singular process — China's late 1970s transition from Maoist central panning to a market economy, which rapidly moved the country's labor and capital from collective rural farms to urban factories. Waves of inexpensive goods from China imploded the economic foundations of places where manufacturing was the main game in town... Twenty years later, these workers haven't recovered from those job losses. Although places like these are growing again, most job gains are in low-wage industries such as textiles, sporting goods electronics and auto parts." China's transition to manufacturing was complete once Chairman Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao as the supreme leader. He opened the country to the outside world and invited foreign participation in China's development. While what Autor and Hanson described in their 2013-16 research story has lost its relevance, they have begun to focus on what they call China Shock 2. This has seen the transition from China as an underdog and is successfully developing innovative sectors such as aviation, AI, telecommunications, microprocessors, robotics, quantum computing, biotech, pharma and solar batteries. To quote again from the authors, "In the 1990s and 2000s, private Chinese businesses working alongside multinational corporations had turned China into the world's factory. The new Chinese model is different. China has created an agile, if costly, innovation system in which local officials such as mayors and governors are rewarded for growth in certain advanced sectors. An example of the outcome is the city of Hefei located in a poor hinterland province. By putting up venture funding, taking risks on supporting EV (electric vehicles) producers, and investing in local research and development, Hefei made the leap into the country's top industrial tier in barely half a decade." China is now the world's largest and most innovative producers of electric vehicles. BYD (EV), CATL (EV batteries), DJI (drones) and LONGi (solar wafers) are all Chinese startups, none more than 30 years' old. The rest of the world, including the United States, is ill prepared to compete with these privately owned but state-supported enterprises. If the extent to which China has drawn not only even but overtaken the United States, we might look at the study done by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a think-tank. According to the Institute, the United States led China in 60 of 64 frontier technologies, such as AI and cryptography, from 2003 to 2007, while China led the United States in just three. In the Institute's most recent report, the rankings were flipped. China led in 57 of 64 key technologies while the United States had the lead in only seven. Autor and Hanson are proposing a four-pronged approach to the Chinese challenge. First, the US should work with other old economies that face similar challenges such as the European Union, Japan and South Korea rather than imposing tariffs. Second, the US government should encourage China to build in America high technology plants such as those developing rare earth minerals as well as those making batteries and electric vehicles. The government should get involved in developing the industries that produce these items. At the time of the WWII, the Office of Scientific Research and Development brought major developments in jet propulsion, radar and mass-produced penicillin. Later, NASA accepted the Soviet Union challenge which sent the first astronaut to circle the earth by sending and bringing back men to and from the moon and launched the Operation Warp Speed which partnered with pharmaceutical companies to produce a Covid-19 vaccine faster than any other major vaccine had been produced. The third area of government sponsorship, the authors advocate, is for the United States to choose the battles that it can win (semiconductors) or those it cannot afford to lose (development of rare earths). The fourth priority is to prevent the devastating impacts of job loss from the next major shock. Tariffs, President Trump's preferred policy option to deal with the challenges the country faces, is not right for the actions needed. The authors conclude their assessment with the following words: "We must nourish industries that have high potential for innovation, funded by joint investments by the public and private sectors. These industries are in play globally, something China figured out a decade ago. America should stop fighting the last trade war and meet China's challenge in the current one." These ecosystems, with the government in the lead, will need supporting infrastructure: reliable and inexpensive energy generation, rare earths, modern shipping and universities with vibrant STEM programmes. This will mean pulling back from subsidising legacy sectors such as coal and oil; restoring federal support for scientific research; and welcoming rather than demonising the talented foreign arrivals into the country who would help the country they have adopted as their own to move forward. This is not the direction in which America, under Trump, is headed. President Trump acted out the programme laid out by Elon Musk, the world's richest man who joined Trump to redesign and refocus the public sector. His DOGE programme was aimed at reshaping the government but it did more damage than good. His moves reduced the country's capacity to innovate. On July 21, major newspapers took out full-page advertisements that said the following in bold letters: "America doesn't settle for second place in Science. We don't play catch up. We build what others copy. Invent what others copy. The science that wins on the battlefield and finds breakthrough in the bloodstream — that's the sharp edge of American power. American science that is funded by the federal government is launched from the flight deck. Developed by American industry. Proven on our factory floors. And tested on the front line - everyday. The only thing American science can't do. Fund itself. That depends on the wisdom and leadership of those we send to Washington." With Donald Trump occupying the White House, that is not happening.


Express Tribune
4 hours ago
- Express Tribune
PM condemns terrorist attack on civilians in Tirah
Listen to article Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Sunday condemned the killing of unarmed civilians and protesters in Bagh Maidan, Wadi Tirah, in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, calling it a 'heinous act' and reaffirming his government's resolve to eliminate terrorism. According to initial reports, at least five people were killed and over 17 injured in the attack. However, the K-P government has yet to confirm the figures. The Prime Minister's Office said in a statement that PM Shehbaz had ordered immediate medical aid for the injured and condemned the firing by terrorists — referred to as Khawarij — targeting peaceful citizens. Read More: PM orders special flights after overland travel ban on Arbaeen pilgrims 'The nefarious designs of terrorists cannot shake our resolve,' the PM stated, reiterating his commitment to seeing the fight against terrorism through to its logical conclusion. K-P Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur also expressed sorrow over the tragedy and announced financial compensation of Rs10 million for each victim's family and Rs2.5m for those injured. He has summoned a jirga of tribal elders and public representatives to Peshawar to hear their concerns and strengthen ties between the government and local communities. Gandapur also directed district officials to increase engagement with residents and maintain peace and order. He said jirgas would be held at divisional and provincial levels from next week to address public issues more effectively. Separately, the Inspector General Frontier Corps (North) visited the injured at the FC Brigade Hospital, while Major General Rao Imran Sartaj met survivors at the Frontier Corps Teaching Hospital. The injured recounted the incident and thanked the FC and army teams for the free and timely medical care.