logo
Alleged mastermind behind Zibuse Mlaba's murder delays bail application by firing lawyers

Alleged mastermind behind Zibuse Mlaba's murder delays bail application by firing lawyers

IOL News17-07-2025
Attorney Sipho Mkhize with his murder accused client Duncan Patrick Mzamo Mlaba at uMlazi Magistrates Court
Image: Nomonde Zondi
The bail application of an alleged mastermind behind the murder of former KZN MPL Zibuse Mlaba has been delayed as he has fired his legal counsel.
Duncan Mzamo Mlaba, known as Mzamo, was due to apply for bail at uMlazi Magistrates Court for the murder of Mncedisi Gwala, whom he allegedly sent to kill Zibuse in October 2021. A hitman Fortune Dlamini who pleaded guilty to killing Zibuse, implicated Mzamo as the mastermind who paid R130 000 for the hit. Mzamo and Zibuse are cousins.
In his plea Dlamini alleged that Mzamo instructed him to get hitmen to kill Gwala after they discovered that the police collected DNA at the murder scene of Zibuse. Zibuse was a former ANC provincial deputy chairperson while former president Jacob Zuma was a chairperson. Zibuse is also a former chief of KwaXimba in Camperdown.
Dlamini has since been sentenced to 18 years imprisonment by the Camperdown Regional Court.
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Advertisement
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Next
Stay
Close ✕
Former KZN MPL and ANC veteran Zibuse Mlaba, who was allegedly killed by his cousin Mzamo Mlaba.
Image: Supplied
The bail application, which was set for two days, did not take place as Mzamo changed his legal representative in the last hour. The bail application, which is a Schedule 6 matter under the Criminal Procedure Act, was scheduled to start on Wednesday. However, the State and his counsel at the time, advocate Christo Van Schalkwyk SC, asked for the matter to be postponed to Thursday.
Van Schalkwyk told the court that they had consulted with Mzamo and had to amend his affidavit. The State said it was waiting for responses from departments as they were verifying certain information regarding what was in Mzamo's affidavit.
Moreover, when the matter was postponed on Wednesday, Van Schalkwyk said they might be compromised due to financial issues.
On Thursday morning, Schalkwyk and his instructing attorney, Arvina Harricharan, had arrived early in court carrying a stack of documents, including a 64-page affidavit of Mzamo, prepared to continue with the bail application.
However, before the matter could start, the Mlaba family supporting Mzamo was seen having intense discussions with Harricharan and Schalkwyk, which lasted for approximately an hour. Shortly after that, a new lawyer was seen talking to the legal team that has now been dismissed.
When the matter was called in court, Schalkwyk told the court that his instructions have been terminated.
'I apologise for any inconvenience,' Schalkwyk said to the court.
Harricharan confirmed what Schalkwyk said.
'I was instructed by the accused that our mandate has been terminated,' she said.
Schalkwyk said the matter would now be taken by attorney Sipho Mkhize. Asked if he had anything to say about this, Mzamo said he had none.
Mkhize asked the court to postpone the matter to next Wednesday for the formal bail application. He said the State would be sent the affidavit on Monday.
State prosecutor advocate Sanele Ntombela said he doesn't know if Mkhize has had time to consult with his client.
'We had agreed with the previous attorneys that the bail is under schedule six. The State still maintains that,' he added.
nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Millions of Assumptions': Wins SARS Fraud Case, Casts Doubt on Blue Lights Trial
‘Millions of Assumptions': Wins SARS Fraud Case, Casts Doubt on Blue Lights Trial

IOL News

time3 hours ago

  • IOL News

‘Millions of Assumptions': Wins SARS Fraud Case, Casts Doubt on Blue Lights Trial

Defence attorney Pierre du Toit successfully argued that there was no evidence of fraud, deception, or intent to mislead SARS Image: Supplied The State's long-standing corruption case against businessman Vimpie Phineas Manthata suffered a major blow this week when the Palm Ridge Magistrate's Court acquitted him and his co-accused in a R19 million tax fraud case that had formed a central pillar of the broader 'blue lights' procurement scandal. The verdict, delivered by Magistrate Phindi Keswa, saw Manthata, his company Instrumentation for Traffic Law Enforcement (ITLE), and bookkeeper Judy Rose cleared of all charges related to alleged violations of the Tax Administration Act during the 2018 and 2019 tax years. Legal experts say the State's inability to prove its SARS case beyond a reasonable doubt will now put additional pressure on the corruption trial, which has already faced years of delays, procedural blunders, and accusations of political motivation. 'The prosecution could not distinguish between clerical mistakes and criminal conduct,' Magistrate Keswa ruled. 'Assumptions and administrative discrepancies cannot be used to build a case without clear evidence of intent.' Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ SARS Case Unravels The SARS prosecution had alleged that Manthata's company manipulated its tax returns to avoid paying nearly R19 million in VAT and other obligations. But defence attorney Pierre du Toit successfully argued that there was no evidence of fraud, deception, or intent to mislead SARS.'This case is not about millions of rands, it is about millions of assumptions,' Du Toit told the court during closing arguments. 'The burden is on the State to prove guilt, and it has failed to do so in spectacular fashion.' He cited landmark cases including *State versus Prinsloo* and *State versus Futche*, which require a demonstration of clear intent to commit fraud — a standard the court agreed had not been officials admitted under cross-examination that they had no direct proof of falsified entries, and Rose testified that all bookkeeping was done using standard software and practices. Implications for the Blue Lights Trial The collapse of the tax case undermines the State's broader narrative in the so-called blue lights corruption case, in which Manthata, former acting national police commissioner Kgomotso Phahlane, and ten others face charges linked to the irregular procurement of emergency police equipment worth R191 million. The State had portrayed ITLE as a central vehicle for corrupt payments, with the SARS case meant to illustrate how the company allegedly misrepresented its financial affairs. Now, with the tax fraud allegations discredited, the entire corruption case may be on shaky ground. Last week, the same court postponed the blue lights trial yet again — this time to October 2025 — after severe criticism of the State's inability to produce a coherent charge sheet more than seven years after the case was first opened. Growing Criticism of the Prosecution Magistrate Ashika Ramalal lambasted the prosecution's handling of the case, saying the delays and repeated administrative errors were unacceptable. Still, she ruled that the trial would go ahead next year, warning that no further postponements would be tolerated. Defence attorneys argued that their clients had suffered severe prejudice and that the continued delays were violating their right to a fair and timely trial. Accused number 9 was even left without legal representation at one point, prompting the State to suggest separating the charges — a proposal strongly opposed by the defence. The situation has been further complicated by the State's repeated failure to serve Phahlane properly and controversy over the dropping and reinstatement of charges against Manthata, a move legal observers say sets a dangerous precedent. But with one major case already dismissed and serious doubts now hanging over the remaining charges, many are questioning whether the blue lights corruption trial will ever result in a conviction, or if it is yet another politically entangled case destined to collapse under the weight of its mismanagement.

Auditor-general demands action from KZN Cogta MEC in troubled uMkhanyakude municipality
Auditor-general demands action from KZN Cogta MEC in troubled uMkhanyakude municipality

TimesLIVE

time5 hours ago

  • TimesLIVE

Auditor-general demands action from KZN Cogta MEC in troubled uMkhanyakude municipality

Auditor-general Tsakani Maluleke has instructed KwaZulu-Natal Cogta MEC Thulasizwe Buthelezi to intervene in the trouble-torn uMkhanyakude district municipality. Buthelezi, an IFP deployee in the provincial legislature, and ANC-led uMkhanyakude officials are at loggerheads over the provincial cabinet's decision to place the council under administration. uMkhanyakude officials are resisting the decision, saying it is politically motivated. They have since taken Buthelezi to court over the matter. Earlier this month, Buthelezi was forced to announce that the municipality had been placed under administration at the entrance of the council offices after he was denied entry. On Sunday, Buthelezi said he had received formal correspondence from Maluleke instructing him to intervene in uMkhanyakude. 'The auditor-general has requested that I intervene in the uMkhanyakude district municipality due to the municipality's consistent failure to address material findings. These findings stem from the municipality's inability to implement a credit and debt collection policy, as required by section 62(1)(f) (ii) of the Municipal Finance Management Act (MFMA),' said Buthelezi. A material irregularity is defined in the Public Audit Act (PAA), as 'any noncompliance with, or contravention of, legislation, fraud, theft or a breach of a fiduciary duty identified during an audit performed under this act that resulted in or is likely to result in a material financial loss, the misuse or loss of a material public resource or substantial harm to a public sector institution or the public'. In the correspondence, Maluleke highlighted that 'The failure of the municipality to implement the municipality's credit and debt collection policy for a number of years and to take reasonable steps to recover outstanding debt from consumers is likely to result in a material financial loss for the municipality'. The AG further stated that: 'The failure of the accounting officer to take appropriate actions to address the material irregularity led to a decision by the AGSA's material irregularity committee, duly delegated, to approve reporting in the audit report of the municipality on the material irregularity with recommendations, as provided for in section 20(4) of the PAA, read with regulation 4(3) of the MI regulations on the steps the accounting officer should take to address the material irregularity within a stipulated period in the audit report.' Buthelezi said he was aware of the grave nature of the issues raised by Maluleke, which were emphasised during a meeting with the AG on July 23. He said he was committed to acting in the interest of the residents of the uMkhanyakude district. 'These residents bear the brunt of failed service delivery due to a lack of governance, financial, and consequence management measures within the district,' he said, adding that the AG has requested a formal report from him by August 15.

The Dolphin Unit: A Legacy of Resistance in Apartheid South Africa
The Dolphin Unit: A Legacy of Resistance in Apartheid South Africa

IOL News

time5 hours ago

  • IOL News

The Dolphin Unit: A Legacy of Resistance in Apartheid South Africa

(From left) The Dolphin Unit's Iqbal Shaikh, Mohamed Ismail, Aboobaker Ismail and ANC veteran Mac Maharaj at the TRC hearings on May 7, 1998. Image: Supplied For over three decades, the remarkable story of Umkhonto we Sizwe's Special Operations Unit has remained largely untold. Formed under the direct command of ANC president Oliver Tambo and senior ANC and SACP leader Joe Slovo, this elite unit executed some of the most daring and high-profile attacks against the apartheid state in the 1980s. In this groundbreaking book by ANC and SACP activist Yunus Carrim, the history of Special Ops is brought to life through the voices of its surviving participants. This is an account of the Dolphin Unit that conducted some of MK's most successful military operations Neighbours and friends With 35 operations between 1982 and 1988 and a role in the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK's) ordnance division from then until 1993, the Dolphin Unit was one of the longest-surviving and most successful MK units. Initially made up of Iqbal Shaikh and Mohamed Ismail, it became a one-person unit of Shaikh from 1985. Born in 1958, Shaikh was raised in Vrededorp, Johannesburg. He came from 'a typical apolitical trading family. When all the clan gathered at Granny's kitchen table, political conversations were avoided. If a topic had political undertones, the elders would shrug it off, citing how important the family business was and almost always referring to the atrocities that could befall us if the blacks took over. The Durban 1949 race riots inevitably came up, followed by the Uganda story, where Amin expelled the Indians. 'At Grandpa's two busy dress shops, where we kids came daily to meet our parents after school, we knew to greet any white customer as Goeie môre, Baas or Meisie and never to take offence at the Ja, coolie reply.' Shaikh's stepfather had a dairy delivery business. 'When I reached the gate of the houses, the incessant barking of dogs, followed by the little white kids 'Ma, die melkkoelie is hier [Mother, the milk-coolie is here]. 'We often complained to Papa about why we should address these dirty, bare-footed, little white kids with respect, whilst they called us 'coolie'. Papa would urge us to ignore them and remind us how important white customers were.' From fifteen onwards, Shaik got involved in fights, joined a gang, truanted, left school at sixteen, and found an administrative job. Vrededorp had a tradition of Congress activities. Underground ANC activist Ahmed Timol's death in detention impacted Shaikh. And when the 1976 Soweto uprising erupted, Shaikh was upset at the brutality of white policemen. He moved to Durban to live with an aunt and go back to school. At the M L Sultan Technical College, he was propelled into a student leader position. It was around the food and other conditions at the residences. Later, the sectarian and class divisions among and between Muslim, Hindi-speaking and Tamil-speaking Hindu students. His interventions helped to encourage more contact between students across the divides. When the 1980 student boycott fizzled out, Shaikh felt that the Natal Indian Congress and the parents' moderation contributed to this. Disappointed, he quit college. He returned to Johannesburg and linked up with 'Chacha' – Mohamed Ismail. Shaikh's family lived near his family. They used to play 'cowboys and crooks, hide and seek, and more'. Born in 1953, Chacha 'could see the injustice, police brutality, whites beating up black people walking in the street, and nothing happened. Mozambique became independent, and the political climate was changing. It was necessary as a Muslim and self-styled socialist to become politically active against apartheid.' Through Prema Naidoo and others, he became politically active in the Transvaal Indian Congress. Former ANC Member of Parliament Yunus Carrim narrates the untold stories of the ANC's MK Special Operations Unit. Image: Supplied Joining MK's Special Ops Shaikh threw himself into civic and political struggles in Lenasia. There was constant tension between the Black Consciousness (BC) and Congress activists. The militancy of BC activists suited Shaikh's temperament and brand of politics. But he finally opted for the 'Congressites', influenced by the politics in the Naidoo household. He increasingly felt that 'this mass politics is not for me. I want to go to the next level. It was convenient to be in mass politics and not the armed struggle because that was a harder option.' So, he approached Chacha to link him to the ANC. Chacha's brother, Aboobaker Ismail, had joined MK and would at times meet their parents in Swaziland. In September 1981, Chacha took Shaikh with them. In a hotel room, Ismail (MK: Rashid) ran a tap, switched on the television and asked them to sit away from the window. This was their first lesson in underground activity. They were trained then and on subsequent trips on urban guerrilla warfare, including the use of limpet mines and pistols. MK operatives created a hidden compartment in a Peugeot for them to transport weapons in. On their first attempt, as Shaikh and Chacha got to the border, it was 'very tense, we had sweaty palms, but you had to keep your composure. There was silence at the border, each with his thoughts. When we were barely three minutes over the border into South Africa, we erupted spontaneously into emotional yelling and handshakes. Perhaps the best high five in all my life!' They would bury the weapons in dead letter boxes (DLBs), mainly in Lenasia. 'It was backbreaking work. We weren't used to manual work. The gardeners did that. Now we had to dig up hard ground in the dark of the Highveld winter. It's work fraught with difficulties, sometimes more dangerous than hitting the target.' The Dolphin Unit Called the Dolphin Unit, they started with low-level targets in December 1982, and with experience, took on bigger targets. These included police and army offices, railway lines, electricity pylons, government buildings, the Ciskei consulate, big businesses that fired workers, a fuel depot and more*. On 10 October 1983, President PW Botha was to address a Kruger Day gathering in the Warmbaths civic centre. The unit decided to hit the civic centre and a fuel depot about a kilometre away. 'The night before the operation, on their dry run, an aggressive white man blocked a café entrance and shouted at Chacha, 'Koelie, wat doen jy hier [Coolie, what are you doing here]?' 'We passively passed by and bought our snacks for the road home. Walking back. I told Chacha you should have replied, 'Baas, ek doen niks vanaand, maar ek kom weer môre [Boss, I'm not doing anything tonight, but I'll be back tomorrow].' We laughed and returned home.' The fuel depot was damaged at about 02:20, but the limpet at the civic centre was discovered and defused. Shaikh said, 'The regime claimed that highly trained terrorists [laughter] were involved and planned to annihilate the cream of society.' In late 1986, Shaikh and Chacha went to East Germany for training. On landing, the pilot announced their names and asked them to disembark. 'What's this about? I was scared there might be [apartheid] security branch guys among the passengers.' An East German government official came onto the plane and took them away in a Mercedes, followed by a military vehicle. 'It's everything we've seen in the movies. We were very surprised …' They were trained for three months. Shaikh observed 'all the little contradictions we'd heard about in Soviet-style communism. It was demoralising.' He later said that their 'special advantage was our mobility as Indians. We were less visible as MK operatives and less detectable than our African cadres.' In crossing the South African border, 'we would weaponise our ethnicity. We used apartheid racial profiling to our advantage. By neat business attire, briefcase with brochures, bank notes, samples of a commodity, politeness at all times, and half a dozen samoosas ready on hand, nobody suspected. This was no passport to freedom, but it helped.' While helping out in the family takeaway business, it was easy for Shaikh to reconnoitre targets in the city centre. 'I often wore a toppie and kurta to disguise what I was doing. I was almost rubbing shoulders in the passageways with people linked to my targets, who would never think that I could be in MK.' He could plant limpet bombs inside buildings during work hours to go off at night, when there was nobody around. In communicating with Rashid over the phone, they would use coded words in Gujarati. Being part of a gang as a teenager and a streetfighter, as well as his instinct for challenging authority, contributed to Shaikh's success as a guerrilla. His temperament also drew him to the armed struggle. His impatience with mass struggles, the endless speech-making of leaders, the trade-offs and the failure to get more results more quickly all steered him into the armed struggle. His faith in the armed struggle drove him to be results-driven. He certainly had an adventurous, daring spirit. Shaikh's long association with Rashid and Chacha as neighbours and a shared cultural background made for a level of trust. 'Igs [Shaikh] had that X-factor,' says Farouk Farista, who worked with him in ordnance 'To have the ability to do what he did and survive takes a remarkable human being. And he did it on his own, which requires an incredible amount of tenacity. 'He thought through every single thing with incredible detail. He never took blind chances. He knew how to play it, and he was very smart about not exposing himself and not blowing his trumpet and taking credit.' Shaikh doesn't have a sense of entitlement. After 1994, he retreated from politics. He didn't seek a post in the state. I never felt owed. I didn't want anything because I did the bombings. I had no qualifications. I'm just an ordinary Fietas guy who got into the situation. * The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store