Koizumi, Japan's New Agriculture Minister, Faces Soaring Rice Prices and Possible Surge in Imports from U.S.
Agriculture minister Shinjiro Koizumi arrives at the Prime Minister's Office in Tokyo on Wednesday.
Newly appointed agriculture minister Shinjiro Koizumi faces critical challenges, including addressing the rising price of rice and a possible increase in agricultural imports from the United States.
How he manages these issues could ultimately determine the fate of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's administration.
During his inaugural press conference at the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry on Wednesday, Koizumi said: 'What we need to focus on right now, above all, is rice. It's all about tice. I want to take the first step toward lowering rice prices.'
Ishiba said Wednesday he had instructed Koizumi to change how the government sells stockpiled rice reserved for emergency use, shifting from competitive bidding to discretionary contracts in order to reduce prices.
Although currently only rice distributors can bid on contracts, Koizumi stressed that he was committed to moving quickly to flesh out plans such as for expanding discretionary contracts to include retailers and restaurant operators.
The National Federation of Agricultural Cooperative Associations (JA Zen-Noh) placed successful bids on more than 90% of the 210,000 tons of stockpiled rice released by the ministry in March. Yet, as of April 27, only about 10% of that rice had reached retailers and the food service sector.
The average price of a five-kilogram bag of rice sold at supermarkets nationwide has increased for 17 weeks running, and now exceeds ¥4,000 — double last year's price. Koizumi will have to act swiftly to ensure that reserve rice reaches consumers and retail prices come down.
He will also be tested during the Japan-U.S. negotiations over President Donald Trump's tariff measures.
Proposals for increased imports of corn and soybeans, both of which Japan relies on imports for, are being considered as bargaining chips with the United States. Plans to boost rice imports are also being floated, though they are certain to face fierce resistance from Japan's farmers.
'Based on a policy of not sacrificing agriculture, I want to cooperate with relevant ministries and agencies to secure national interests,' Koizumi said.
One senior official inside the ministry expressed optimism, saying, 'We expect he will make reforms.' However, another senior official raised concerns, arguing that 'if policies are decided top-down, it will cause confusion on the ground.'
A Diet member with close ties to the agricultural lobby said that Koizumi 'knows how to grab attention, but his leadership abilities are still untested.'
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This is hoisted up nearly 9 meters and then released to freely pendulum out and over the surrounding treetops at a top speed of 30 kilometers per hour. On the adjacent Sky Phoenix and Bungee Glider rides, guests traverse 280 meters of zipline at times 40 meters above the valley below and, on the latter, bouncing as much as 5 meters from the line above at max speeds of 35 kph. The Human Arrow attraction puts bungee cords to a different use — slingshotting a single rider into the sky before recoil kicks in — while the Sky-End Trekking and Tree-Top Trekking activities offer obstacle course-type challenges on 84-meter-long suspension bridges at points 11 meters above the forest below. During Junglia's media preview, only Titan's Swing and Sky-End Trekking were open to experience (the zipline attractions were displayed but not made available). For the former, the relatively manual nature of the ride made for a more visceral experience: Riders are individually guided onto the swing by park staff (Junglia refers to them as 'navigators'), who then roll away the platform keeping the swing in stasis before engaging a winch to raise the swing to its launch point. The Titan's Swing attraction exemplifies Junglia's adventure sports-inspired rides — perfectly enjoyable activities that don't break much new ground. | OWEN ZIEGLER I don't doubt the safety of Junglia's thrill rides, but the fact that they require much more manual preparation than the automated nature of boarding a conventional roller coaster does contribute to the adrenaline rush. On Sky-End Trekking, I found this simulated sense of danger well balanced: High above the treetops, my legs starting to tremble from perching on a single plank on the suspended walkway, the thought crept into my mind about what would actually happen were I to slip (I suspect the worst injury possible would be a sharp yank from the harness and a bruise to my ego as park staff pluck a dangling me from the safety line overhead and help me regain my footing). Soon enough, though, you realize that the only way to terra firma is straight through the rest of the precarious course. It's difficult to find fault in these Jungle Extremes rides on their own merits, but there's little new ground broken here. At their best, Junglia's thrill rides approximate the adrenaline rushes you could get from a bungee jumping or skydiving outfit elsewhere. Also, be forewarned that the queues at these attractions will be long. 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A soldier guides you out of the jeep and toward a purpose-built shelter, but of course a technical glitch prevents the door from opening. When not one but two T. rexes appear from just beyond the walls hemming in this section, one of the dinos chomps down on the unfortunate soldier (who, in a clever twist, grabs onto handles inside the T. rex's mouth, which then raises the performer high into the air). Guests are guided back into the vehicles by navigators in the throes of faux panic, and a dash to safety ensues as more T. rexes give chase through the underbrush. Much like Jungle Extremes, the thrills to be had on Dinosaur Safari aren't pushing any kind of envelope. In fact, the most unexpected moment of the attraction might be toward the end, when guests can pose for photos in front of a subdued T. rex that turns out to have a little fight left. 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10 hours ago
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Is this the end of Japan's 'big tent' parties?
In Japan's recent Upper House election, four traditional parties — the Liberal Democratic Party, Komeito, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan and the Japanese Communist Party — suffered the most significant losses. The LDP and Komeito together lost 24 seats, saw a sharp drop in the national vote and lost their Upper House majority. The CDP lost one seat but, as the largest opposition party, still placed a surprising fourth with just 12.5% of the national vote. The JCP lost four seats. The LDP and the CDP are considered the "big tent" parties because both have clear conservative and liberal wings. The big winners of the day were newer conservative parties — the Democratic Party for the People, Sanseito and the Conservative Party of Japan — along with the far-left Reiwa Shinsengumi. Sanseito picked up 14 seats and finished third with 12.55% of the national vote. The DPP gained 12 seats and placed second with 12.88%. The CPJ, contesting its first election, won two seats, and Reiwa added one. If you add the national vote totals by conservative leaning and liberal leaning, you find something quite interesting. Conservative parties gathered over over 35 million votes, while liberal parties only gathered around 17 million. Most commentary in Japan speaks in terms of the ruling parties versus the opposition. But there is an argument that the current turmoil in Japanese politics comes from the fact that the LDP and CDP lack clear policies because they constantly try to balance the conflicting views of their conservative and liberal wings. Today's Japanese voters are seeking clarity on issues vital to them, not an outdated homogenized message. The LDP and CDP are losing to newer parties that have clear policies and sharper messaging. Some advocates of political reform in Japan lament the fact that the country's opposition parties are unable to coordinate their activities effectively to defeat the ruling LDP-Komeito coalition. A coalition of the opposition, comprising strongly conservative parties alongside extreme liberal parties, has always been more challenging to manage than even the traditional big tent parties. It is no wonder that they cannot coordinate an election strategy after the most recent Upper House election or agree whether to file a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, which they are struggling with today. Of course, there is no credibility that they could run a government. Other reformers have complained that Japan lacks a system of rotating ruling parties between the conservative and liberal camps. Perhaps that is what comes next if the big tent parties break up. Is that conceivable? After losing three primary elections in the past 10 months under the leadership of Ishiba, there is now a war under way within the LDP to force him to resign. With the full support of the liberal wing, Ishiba won the LDP leadership role in 2024, which handed him the prime ministerial chair, an inconceivable event had conservative wing leader Shinzo Abe not been murdered in 2022. Ishiba's election came on the heels of what should have been a minor political funds reporting scandal that involved members of the conservative wing. However, even former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's group had reporting issues. Since then, the liberal wing, first under Kishida and then Ishiba, has used the scandal at every opportunity to sideline conservative members. The conservative wing is ready to revolt if Ishiba refuses to resign and accept accountability. So, while not certain, the LDP is as close as it has been since 1955 to a split. CDP members have never really gotten along, given all the splits and mergers since the party emerged from the remnants of the Democratic Party of Japan. Before the recent election, public accusations and demands from former party leaders that others should leave the party surfaced. The CDP now seems ripe for more change. A recent poll by the Yomiuri of all the opposition parties' preferences for the next prime minister, assuming they came from the LDP, might provide some insight. Sanae Takaichi of the LDP's conservative wing was the favorite among members of the more conservative parties such as the DPP, Sanseito and the CDP. Ishiba seemed more popular among the members of the liberal parties. Birds of a feather? The Yomiuri poll is interesting on two fronts: It may signal how feasible it will be for Ishiba, assuming he remains, to create a new ruling coalition with the addition of one of the conservative parties, an absolute necessity now that he has lost the majority in both houses of the parliament. Would Takaichi not find it easier? Secondly, it also signals how feasible it would be for a Takaichi-led conservative wing of the LDP, not only to split off from the LDP, but also to assemble a new majority under a new conservative party banner made up of the four conservative parties and perhaps a conservative group that splits off from the CDP. After the election results, Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya suggested that the LDP is losing power because no one can understand what the LDP stands for anymore, given the differing views of the conservative and liberal wings. The same thing could be said for the CDP. Perhaps the era of big tent parties has come to an end and a realignment along ideological lines is where Japanese politics is headed. Edo Naito is a commentator on Japanese politics, law and history. He is a retired international business attorney and has held board of director and executive positions at several U.S. and Japanese multinational companies.
