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Trump administration freezes more than $2 billion in funding tied to Harvard

Trump administration freezes more than $2 billion in funding tied to Harvard

Boston Globe15-04-2025
'The harassment of Jewish students is intolerable. It is time for elite universities to take the problem seriously and commit to meaningful change if they wish to continue receiving taxpayer support,' the statement said.
The funding freeze includes $2.2 billion in grants and $60 million in contracts, according to the task force, which is a joint enterprise of several federal agencies.
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In an open letter to the campus community Monday afternoon, Harvard president Alan Garber said, 'No government — regardless of which party is in power — should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue.'
That message followed a Friday letter from the task force telling Harvard's leaders to agree to a lengthy list of conditions in order
to 'maintain Harvard's financial relationship with the federal government.'
The letter directed Harvard to weaken the influence of students and faculty involved in activism on university affairs. It ordered external audits of specific academic programs accused of antisemitism or other forms of bias. It told the school to reorient its admissions and hiring practices to prioritize 'viewpoint diversity' and deemphasize race, religion, and sex. It said the university must 'reform' the way it admits international students to screen out anyone 'hostile' to 'American values' or 'supportive of terrorism or antisemitism.'
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And it demanded that Harvard regularly report
various kinds of information to the federal government, including all admissions data and any rule violations by foreign students.
In
their response Monday, lawyers representing Harvard said the university 'has undertaken substantial policy and programmatic measures' during the last 15 months to fight antisemitism, promote ideological diversity, and maintain order on campus.
'Harvard remains open to dialogue about what the university has done, and is planning to do, to improve the experience of every member of its community.
But Harvard is not prepared to agree to demands that go beyond the lawful authority of this or any administration,' the lawyers wrote.
It was not immediately clear which grants and contracts were to be frozen. On March 31, the task force announced a review of $9 billion in federal funding destined for Harvard and affiliated institutions, including Mass General Brigham, Boston Children's Hospital, and the Broad Institute.
Mike Damiano can be reached at
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What It Will Take to Get U.S. Citizens to Work the Farm — According to Dolores Huerta
What It Will Take to Get U.S. Citizens to Work the Farm — According to Dolores Huerta

Politico

time35 minutes ago

  • Politico

What It Will Take to Get U.S. Citizens to Work the Farm — According to Dolores Huerta

And the 95-year-old Huerta has seen a lot. She first began lobbying the California legislature on farm labor issues when she was just 25, and she founded an agriculture workers union soon after. In her early 30s, she partnered with civil rights leader Cesar Chavez to create the National Farm Workers Association, now the United Farm Workers. For years, she and Chavez worked in tandem, delivering major victories to protect farm workers from exploitation and exposure to dangerous pesticides. President Barack Obama awarded her the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2012. The Trump administration is now struggling to reconcile its mass deportation efforts with the need to keep farm production going. Huerta is not optimistic about how it will all play out, though she was able to poke at Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins' recent suggestion that automation will soon replace human laborers. 'I guess I could just wait until they get enough robots to do the farm work,' Huerta joked. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. The Trump administration has launched farm raids targeting undocumented immigrants, which has sent a chill through the labor force and industry. You've advocated for farm workers for decades. Does the current climate feel familiar, or are we in a really different place? Oh, it's a very, very different place. Because in the past, in the '50s, when we had this 'Operation Wetback,' they were not putting people in jail. They would repatriate people. They would deport them, take them to the border. Somewhere along the way, I think during Newt Gingrich's time, they started putting people in jail, but then they would let them go. It was not putting people in prisons, like we're seeing right now. The kind of brutality, the horror, the kidnapping, endangering people's lives, separating the families — the way that Trump did in the last administration, and they're doing now, leaving all of these missing children — it's an atrocity, what they've been doing to the immigrant community. Many of those people that they have been picking up and arresting are farm workers. Here in Bakersfield, California, we were the first city to be hit. When Border Patrol came in, they arrested [78] people, and only one person had any kind of criminal record. And when they talk about a criminal record, it could be a traffic stop. It could be just that they came in, and they were deported, and came back in again. These are not violent crimes that we're talking about. They are, you might say, civil infractions, and yet they're being treated like they were criminals. This administration says it wants to get to a '100 percent American workforce.' It also has discussed rapidly expanding migrant visa programs, like H-2A. Do you see those two goals in conflict? How might that play out? Well, I think it would be really great to have American workers to work on farms. Farm work has been denigrated for so many years by the growers themselves, and they did this because they never wanted to pay farm workers the kind of wages that they deserve. Farm workers were essential workers during the pandemic. They were out there in the fields. So many of them died because they never got the proper protections that they needed. But they were out there every single day, picking the food that we needed to eat. Farm workers don't get the same kind of benefits or salaries that others get. We just recently did a study with the University of California Merced. Their average wage is $30,000 a year, $35,000 a year. And on that, they have to feed their families. A lot of them, unless they have a union contract, they're paid minimum wage. They're not respected. The whole visa program, the H-2A program, it's always been there. Cesar Chavez and I, when we started the United Farm Workers, one of the first things that we did was end the 'Bracero Program,' which was a similar [guest worker] program. Now they've increased these H-2A workers in agriculture. This is a step above slavery. They can't unionize. They don't get Social Security. They don't get unemployment insurance. Farmers save money by having these H-2A workers. They cannot become citizens. There is no way for them to even get a green card. If you were trying to get to a 100 percent American workforce, what's the solution here? Does it start with paying more competitive wages for workers? Or is it something else? Well, right now, we're trying to stop a detention center here in California City, which is up here in the Mojave Desert. They are offering the people to work in that center $50 an hour. In California, our minimum wage is $16. That's what a lot of workers get. Let's offer farmworkers $50 an hour, the same kind of a salary that you offer the prison guards, and you'll get a lot of American workers. We have very high unemployment in the Central Valley. We have the prison industrial complex, where a lot of our young people are going to prison. So many of these young people don't have to go to prison if they were paid adequately. I'm sure a lot of them would go and do the farm work, especially if they had good wages to do it. And we still have a lot of young people here in the valley that go out during the summers and they do farm work to help their families. I'm sure a lot of people that we now see that are homeless on the streets and that are able to work would go to work if they were paid $50 an hour. So it's just a matter of improving wages? And training, too. Because farm work is hard work. I mean, you've got to be in good physical shape to be able to do farm work. Why are undocumented workers such a large part of the agricultural workforce? Is it just that these are low-paying, hard jobs that Americans don't want to do, or is there more going on? Well, like I said earlier, the growers have denigrated the work so much that people don't realize that this work is dignified. Farm workers are proud of the work that they do. They don't feel that somehow they're a lower class of people because they do farm work. They have pride in their work. If you were to go out there with farm workers, you would be surprised to see that they have dignity, and they care about the work. They care about the plants. When we started the farm workers union way back in the late '50s and early '60s, you would be surprised how many American citizens were out there. Veterans were out there. The Grapes of Wrath was filmed here. All of those workers in that camp were white. It was the 'Okies' and 'Arkies,' the people that came from Oklahoma and Arkansas and those places to work in the fields. They were all white workers. There were some Latino workers, and then over the years, you had the Chinese, you had the Japanese, and different waves of immigrants that came in to do farm work. When did it change? Well, the growers always fought unionization, as they still do to this day. I'll give an example. There's a company called the Wonder Company. When you watch television, you see all of their ads for pistachios. They're billionaires. The United Farm Workers just won a recognition election, and they refused to recognize the union. When you have a union out there, you have a steward out there in every single crew, and their job is to make sure that there's a bathroom out there in the fields, which farm workers never had before. We had a big movement to get farmers just having toilets in the field and hand washing facilities, cold drinking water, risk periods, unemployment insurance, et cetera. This is the thing that we fought for, and the growers fought against it, right to the end. The Farm Bureau Federation fought against all of these improvements for farm workers, and they continue to fight. You supported the 1986 Reagan amnesty, when 1 million farm workers received legal status. The Trump administration has been adamant, for political purposes, that there will be 'no amnesty.' Do you think the administration could get to some sort of mass legalization for farm workers? If not, what happens next? The problem with this administration is, they're so racist. Racism rules, fascism rules with this administration. I don't know, I guess I could just wait until they get enough robots to do the farm work. What about pesticides? You've long fought against pesticide use in agriculture because of the effect of exposure on farm workers. Now, there's this 'Make America Healthy Again' push to get rid of pesticides. What do you make of that? Well, I think maybe that's one good thing that Robert Kennedy Jr. might do. His father was a champion for the farm workers. The pesticides — we should have gotten rid of those a long time ago. We didn't have pesticides until after World War II. There's a pesticide called paraquat. Paraquat is banned in Europe. It's banned in almost every country except the United States of America, and it is used right here in Kern County in California. It causes cancer. It causes leukemia. It causes Parkinson's disease, and we cannot get it banned in California. We know that when plants are planted, when food is planted, the pesticide is already in the seeds. We were trying to stop that in Washington, D.C., and were unable to. 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I wouldn't agree with Robert Jr. on the issue of vaccinations, or fluoride in our drinking water, et cetera, and some of the issues that he espouses. I know him. I've known him for many, many years. I haven't spoken to him. He did try to contact me when he was running, and I didn't respond. I knew that the family, that Kerry and Ethel and the rest of them, were not happy about his supporting Trump. But you haven't spoken to him since he became HHS secretary? No. I know people that have spoken to him. The labor movement as a whole has an unusual relationship to Donald Trump, who claims to champion the working class. Do you think union leaders have more to gain by working with Trump, or by opposing him? What explains his appeal to many union members? Well, I can't speak for the Teamsters. I think there was a kind of a betrayal of the working people, because I know the majority of the labor unions went against Trump and endorsed Biden [in 2024]. I think that was very damaging. 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India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination: MEA Bold Response to White House Peace Claims
India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination: MEA Bold Response to White House Peace Claims

Time Business News

timean hour ago

  • Time Business News

India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination: MEA Bold Response to White House Peace Claims

Source – LegalPress New Delhi – The official India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination response emerged on Friday when the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) diplomatically sidestepped questions regarding the White House's aggressive campaign for President Donald Trump to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. This measured diplomatic response reflects India's careful approach to addressing American claims about conflict resolution. During a press briefing, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal was directly questioned about the India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination issue, specifically regarding White House assertions that Trump had ended several global conflicts, including the dispute between India and Pakistan. The spokesperson's response demonstrated India's preference for avoiding direct engagement with controversial American political narratives. Diplomatic Deflection Strategy The India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination query received a characteristically diplomatic response from Jaiswal, who stated, 'It is better to take this question to the White House.' This carefully crafted deflection avoids both endorsement and criticism of American claims while maintaining India's traditional non-interference stance in foreign political processes. This approach to the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination reflects New Delhi's broader strategy of avoiding entanglement in American domestic political debates, particularly those involving disputed claims about international diplomatic achievements. The MEA's response maintains diplomatic neutrality while neither validating nor challenging White House assertions. White House Claims and International Conflict Resolution The context surrounding the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination stems from White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt's comprehensive advocacy for Trump's Nobel Peace Prize candidacy. Leavitt claimed that Trump had 'ended conflicts between Thailand and Cambodia, Israel and Iran, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, India and Pakistan, Serbia and Kosovo and Egypt and Ethiopia.' The India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination campaign specifically highlights alleged American mediation in the India-Pakistan conflict as evidence of Trump's peace-making credentials. According to White House calculations, Trump brokered approximately one peace deal monthly during his six months in office, making him deserving of international recognition. Leavitt's statement that 'It's well past time that President Trump was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize' directly incorporates the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination narrative as supporting evidence for this assertion. This claim positions the alleged India-Pakistan ceasefire as a significant diplomatic achievement worthy of Nobel recognition. India's Historical Position on Bilateral Negotiations The India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination issue highlights a fundamental disagreement between New Delhi and Washington regarding the nature of India-Pakistan conflict resolution. India has consistently maintained that the cessation of hostilities between the two nations was achieved through bilateral negotiations rather than external mediation. New Delhi's rejection of Trump's mediation claims creates complications for the India On Trump Nobel Prize Nomination narrative promoted by the White House. This disagreement represents a significant diplomatic challenge, as India's official position directly contradicts the foundation of American Nobel Prize advocacy. Despite repeated assertions from Trump linking trade deals to conflict resolution, India's stance on the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination remains unchanged. The government continues to emphasize bilateral diplomatic processes rather than acknowledging American intervention in regional peace initiatives. Pakistan's Contrasting Position While India maintains diplomatic distance from the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination campaign, Pakistan has embraced and actively supported Trump's candidacy. Islamabad has publicly thanked Trump for allegedly brokering the India-Pakistan deal, creating a stark contrast with India's position. In June, Pakistan formally nominated Trump for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize, specifically citing his 'diplomatic intervention and pivotal leadership' during the India-Pakistan crisis. This Pakistani endorsement adds complexity to the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination debate by providing official support from one of the alleged beneficiaries. The Pakistani government's statement declared: 'Government of Pakistan Recommends President Donald J. Trump for 2026 Nobel Peace Prize. The Government of Pakistan has decided to formally recommend President Donald J. Trump for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize, in recognition of his decisive diplomatic intervention and pivotal leadership during the recent India-Pakistan crisis.' International Recognition and Norwegian Nobel Committee The India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination campaign faces the ultimate test of international legitimacy through the Norwegian Nobel Committee's evaluation process. Despite various endorsements and advocacy efforts, the Committee has maintained its traditional silence regarding Trump's candidacy. The Norwegian Nobel Committee's approach to the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination reflects their standard practice of avoiding public commentary on potential candidates. This institutional discretion means that public advocacy campaigns, regardless of their intensity or political backing, do not necessarily influence final selection decisions. Geopolitical Implications and Diplomatic Complexities The India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination issue illustrates broader challenges in contemporary international diplomacy, where domestic political narratives intersect with complex international relationships. India's careful response demonstrates the delicate balance required when addressing claims that involve multiple stakeholders with differing perspectives. The ongoing debate surrounding the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination reflects deeper questions about conflict resolution attribution, the role of external mediation in bilateral disputes, and the intersection of international recognition with domestic political objectives. Future Diplomatic Considerations As the India on Trump Nobel Prize Nomination campaign continues, India's diplomatic strategy will likely maintain its current trajectory of non-engagement with American political narratives while preserving bilateral relationship stability. This approach allows India to protect its sovereignty over conflict resolution narratives while avoiding unnecessary diplomatic friction with the United States. TIME BUSINESS NEWS

Trump is undermining his own law that prevents mass atrocities
Trump is undermining his own law that prevents mass atrocities

The Hill

timean hour ago

  • The Hill

Trump is undermining his own law that prevents mass atrocities

The Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018, which overwhelmingly passed across party lines in the House and Senate, institutionalizes atrocity prevention in the U.S. government. This includes legally mandating an interagency atrocity prevention coordination body, requiring training for foreign service officers on the prevention of atrocities, requiring an atrocity prevention strategy and, critically, annual reporting to Congress on the government's efforts. But this law is being ignored, to America's detriment. Democratic and Republican administrations have agreed for almost two decades that preventing mass atrocities around the world is a central foreign policy interest of the United States. In 2011, President Obama declared mass atrocities prevention a core national security interest and a core moral responsibility of the United States. In 2019, the Trump administration stated that it 'has made a steadfast commitment to prevent, mitigate and respond to mass atrocities, and has set up a whole-of-government interagency structure to support this commitment.' In 2021, President Biden said, 'I recommit to the simple truth that preventing future genocides remains both our moral duty and a matter of national and global importance.' Preventing genocides, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing is so central to America's own values, interests and security that in 2018, Trump signed the Elie Wiesel Act with strong bipartisan support. This law was groundbreaking, making the U.S. the first country in the world to enshrine the objective of presenting mass atrocities globally into national law. Yet today, this law and the work it advanced are under dire threat. What will Congress do about it? Mass atrocities are an anathema to American interests. Large scale, deliberate attacks on civilians shock the conscience. They undermine U.S moral, diplomatic, development and security interests. Preventing mass atrocities not only advances American interests, but it also strengthens our international cooperation and global leadership while advancing a peaceful and more just world. Most importantly, America should help prevent mass atrocities because it can. It has the tools and capabilities to help protect civilians and prevent the worst forms of human rights violations. It cannot do this alone, as there are many reasons why atrocities take place, but it can have an impact. And in today's world, this work is more important than ever. While the nation's atrocity prevention systems aren't perfect and there are certainly failures to point to, there has also been important progress and successes that risk being erased, making it even less likely that the U.S. will succeed at its commitment to protect civilians and prevent atrocities. The Trump administration should have submitted its Elie Wiesel Act annual report to Congress by July 15 — this didn't happen. The report is a critical tool for communicating to Congress and the American people what the U.S. is doing to advance this work. It is a mile marker for what has been done and what the needs are. It creates an opportunity for experts outside of government to weigh in. And it allows Congress to conduct oversight over the implementation of its law. But not only was the report not submitted by the normal deadline, nearly all of the U.S. government's atrocity experts have been subjected to reductions in force, forced to accept reassignment or retirement or placed on administrative leave. Key offices in USAID, the State Department, the Department of Homeland Security, the Intelligence Community and more have been eliminated or hollowed out. Without these experts and the offices that employed them, the U.S. lacks the expertise and systems to, at a minimum, fulfill its legal mandate under the law, let alone to effectively prevent, respond to and help countries recover from mass atrocities. In response to this glaring violation of U.S. law, a group of former civil servants who served as the experts on atrocity prevention in the U.S. interagency wrote a shadow Elie Wiesel Act report, which was presented to congressional staff in a briefing last month. These are the people who served in the Atrocity Prevention Task Force and who, under normal circumstances, would have written the annual Elie Wiesel Act Report. Civil society also would have made key contributions, both during the writing and roll-out of the report. None of that is possible now. But the work and imperative to prevent atrocities is still critical. When it enacted the Elie Wiesel Act, Congress knew that 'never again' doesn't happen simply because good people serve in government. True atrocity prevention requires institutionalization and incentivization in our governance system in order to compete with other, very legitimate foreign policy objectives. So why isn't Congress acting when this administration has completely destroyed the ability to address these core national security issues? We hope lawmakers will read this shadow report and critically engage with the questions that it raises. Why has the U.S. government's ability to prevent mass atrocities been attacked? How does this breakdown affect U.S. interests? What does this mean for countries around the world? What can be done to protect what's left and rebuild? And what is Congress willing to do about it, in defense of the law it passed and in line with its oversight duties? To do any less is to abdicate the promise of 'never again.' The world deserves better. And so do the American people. Kim Hart was the global Human Rights team lead at USAID and part of USAID's Atrocity Prevention Core Team. D. Wes Rist was an Atrocity Prevention policy advisor in the Department of State's Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations. Both were government employees until April and served in both the Trump and Biden administrations.

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